Sunday, April 14, 2013

Bibliography

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Chapter 2
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Chapter 3
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(Various issues of the following publications were also used in the preparation of this chapter: Current History, Economist [London]; Middle East Economic Digest [London]; Middle East International [London]; Middle East Journal; and Middle East Policy.)
Chapter 4
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(Various issues of the following publications were also used in the preparation of this chapter: Africa Confidential [London]; Al-Aqida [Algiers]; Al-Chaab [Algiers]; Al-Mazza [Algiers]; Al-Salaam [Algiers]; Al-Tadhkeer [Algiers]; Algérie Informations [Algiers]; Christian Science Monitor; Economist, Quarterly Economic Review: Algeria [London]: El-Badil [Algiers]; El-Khaban [Algiers]; El-Moudjahid [Algiers]; El-Mounqidh [Algiers]; El- Watan [Algiers]; Es-Sahafa [Algiers]; Horizons [Algiers]; International Herald Tribune [Paris]; International Journal of Middle East Studies; L'Express [Paris]; Le Figaro [Paris]; Le Monde [Paris]; Le Monde Diplomatique [Paris]; Libération [Paris]; Middle East Studies Association Bulletin; Middle East Journal; New York Times; Révolution Africaine [Algiers]; Washington Post; and World Press Review.)
Chapter 5
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The Crisis in the Sahel: An End to Algeria’s Strategic Ambivalence?

INTERVIEW – The Crisis in the Sahel: An End to Algeria’s Strategic Ambivalence?

By Africa Center for Strategic Studies
Updated: 02/04/2013
Laurence Aida Ammour UgandaThe hostage crisis at the In Amenas gas facility in Algeria illustrates the transnational nature of the security threats posed by militant Islamist groups in the Sahel and underscores the importance of increased regional security cooperation, according to Laurence Aida Ammour, Research Fellow Associate at the Barcelona Center for International Affairs (CIDOB) and at the Bordeaux Institute for Political Science. Ms. Ammour, who served as facilitator and guest speaker at a recent ACSS Workshop on Improving Regional Responses to Transnational and Irregular Threats in Eastern Africa, is author of an Africa Security Brief titled, “Regional Security Cooperation in the Maghreb and Sahel: Algeria’s Pivotal Ambivalence,” published in February 2012 by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies (ACSS). In a January 23, 2013, interview with ACSS, she commented on the unfolding situation. Her comments reflect her own professional opinions, not those of the Africa Center.
Initially, members of the “Masked Brigade” or “Signers in Blood”—the militant Islamist group that undertook the attack—claimed it launched the January 2013 assault in retaliation for events in nearby Mali, where French military force intervened to stem the southern advance of Al Qaeda-linked militants. “The operation was in response to the blatant interference by Algeria and the opening of its air space to French aircraft to bomb northern Mali,” a spokesperson for the militant group told Mauritania’s ANI news agency, according to a January 16 report by Reuters.
Others doubt the attack was a direct retaliation, insisting that the sophistication of the assault suggests that it had been planned long in advance. “That is a convenient excuse,” U.K. Foreign Secretary William Hague told reporters on January 17. “But usually operations like [hostage seizure in Algeria] take longer to plan than during the last week’s event in Mali.”
“In this case it’s cold blooded murder of people going about their business,” he said. “So there is no excuse whether it’s connected to events in Libya, Mali or anywhere else.”
For Moktar Belmoktar, the Algerian-born veteran Jihadist with longstanding ties to Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) who formed the Masked Brigade, the choice to attack a high-profile Algerian facility was both strategic and symbolic Ms. Ammour, author of the ACSS security brief, said in a recent interview. Demoted after a series of clashes with senior AQIM leaders, Belkmoktar formed the Masked Brigade in late 2012, she said.
The attack on the In Amenas facility provided Belmoktar with an opportunity to demonstrate his terrorist group’s capacity to orchestrate a sophisticated, high-profile attack.
“For him, the attack is a way of showing to the other AQIM factions that he has the capabilities to provoke a very spectacular operation,” Ms. Ammoure said, “especially in a country that is supposed to be very secure.”
His Algerian roots may have been another motivation. “Algeria is a very symbolic country for him because he is Algerian,” she added.
For Algeria, the attack raises concerns about the efficacy of the government’s approach to combating militant Islamic groups within its territory. Many believe that Algeria has used the looming threat of terrorism within its borders to bolster its legitimacy both domestically and amongst the international community. The war on terror has also helped the Algerian government justify hard-line security policies and restrictions on civil liberties.
“There are many people in Algeria who think that terrorism is a kind of lever for the Algerian government to continue to keep its legitimacy in the eyes of foreign partners,” said Ms. Ammour.  “By keeping this low intensity of terrorism, the Algerian government can continue to justify very tough security policies toward its own people. When you are in an emergency situation, forget about democracy, civil liberties, and freedom of speech.”
Although the threat of terrorism has loomed large in Algeria for more than a decade, the scale of the attack in In Amenas and the target took many by surprise. “During almost a decade of civil war and the fight against the Islamists, all the gas and oil plants were very secure. They were the most secure places in Algeria,” said Ms. Ammour. “I’m surprised that this type of crucial strategic location was not secured by the Algerian military forces.”
But while the nature of the terrorist attack may have come as a surprise, the response the Algerian military was predictable and familiar. “The way the Algerian security forces were acting during the assault was reminiscent of the civil war,” noted Ms. Ammour. “At that time it was exactly the same doctrine: no negotiation and no talks with the Islamists.”
Given its size, comparative wealth, geostrategic location, and military strength, Algeria could play a central role in the fight against militant Islamic groups in the Maghreb and Sahel. However, Ms. Ammour said that mutual distrust between Algeria and its neighbors, as well as disagreements over the nature of the threat posed by militant Islamist groups, have severely undermined regional security cooperation in the Maghreb and Sahel.
Sahelian states have often complained that Algeria’s approach to insecurity in the region focuses too narrowly on the use of kinetic military force. “With military capabilities superior to those of the Sahelian states, Algeria considers its approach, born from the experience of fighting extremists during its brutal 1990s civil war, to take precedence,” Ms. Ammour wrote in the Africa Security Brief. “The Sahelian states, however, oppose Algeria’s one-dimensional military focus that neglects the economic, social, and political considerations that Sahelian countries see as intertwined with stability in the region,” she said in the report. “They reason that if the Algerian army has been unable to eliminate terrorism on its own soil over the past two decades using force alone, then why would such an approach work regionally?”
An inability to agree on a clear definition of the threat posed by militant Islamist groups constitutes another major challenge. “Despite its Algerian origins, Algerian authorities deny the existence of a connection between Algeria’s domestic terrorist groups and AQIM. Rather, they see AQIM as a new type of terrorist organization driven by its extremist ideology,” Ms. Ammour wrote in her February 2012 Africa Security Brief. “Sahelian states, in contrast, stress the criminal nature of the group, with its heavy engagement in drug and arms trafficking, as the most dangerous aspect of this regional threat.”
It remains unclear whether or not the assault on the In Amenas gas facility will prompt Algerian authorities to change their approach to security cooperation in the Sahel, according to Ms. Ammour. “Now everyone is asking, ‘what will Algeria do now?’”
***
Laurence Aida Ammour’s opinions are based on her professional academic experience and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies. Instead, they are presented to contribute to public discussion on security in the Sahel region.
For more information on Algeria’s role in Regional Security Cooperation in the Maghreb and Sahel see Africa Security Brief No. 18.

CRS Report on Algeria



CRS Report for Congress
Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress

Algeria: Current Issues

Alexis Arieff
Analyst in African Affairs
January 18, 2013

Congressional Research Service
7-5700
www.crs.gov
 
Algeria: Current Issues
Congressional Research Service
Summary
The hostage crisis that began when terrorists seized a gas compound with foreign (including U.S.)
workers in southeastern Algeria on January 16, 2013, highlights the challenges the United States
faces in advancing and protecting its interests inan increasingly volatile region. It may also point
to the potential limits of the U.S.-Algerian security relationship. The terrorist group that seized
the hostages is ostensibly a breakaway faction of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), a
regional network and U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization with roots in Algeria’s
1990s civil conflict. AQIM’s leadership appears to be primarily based in Algeria and across the
southern border in Mali, although the group’s internal cohesion and ultimate aims have often
been debated. AQIM attacks have ranged from bombings in Algeria to kidnappings (usually
small-scale and for ransom) across the region. It is also involved in an insurgency in northern
Mali that is the target of French military operations launched on January 11, 2013.

As a regional economic and military power with past experience in combating armed extremists,
Algeria has attempted to lead a regional approach to counterterrorism in North-West Africa.
These efforts have had mixed results, as have long-term U.S. capacity-building programs focused
on Algeria’s poorer West African neighbors. At the same time, any U.S. unilateral action in
response to regional security threats could present significant risks and opportunity costs.
U.S.-Algerian ties have grown over the past decade as the United States has increasingly come to
view Algeria as a key partner in countering Al Qaeda-linked groups in North and West Africa.
Algeria is also a significant source of petroleum for the United States and of natural gas for
Europe, and therefore a destination for U.S. investment. Congress appropriates and oversees
small amounts of bilateral development assistance and receives notification of arms sales, and
Algerian security forces benefit from U.S. cooperation programs.

Algeria’s political system is dominated by a strong presidency and security apparatus. The
country’s macroeconomic situation is stable due to high global oil and gas prices, which have
allowed Algeria to amass large foreign reserves. Yet Algeria’s wealth has not necessarily trickled
down, and the pressures of unemployment, high food prices, and housing shortages weigh on
many families. Public unrest over political and economic grievances has at times been evident,
though other factors appear to have dampened enthusiasm for dramatic political change. It is
unclear whether reforms initiated in 2011 amid the “Arab Spring” have the potential to alter the
deeper power dynamics within the opaque politico-military elite networks that Algerians refer to as 
Le Pouvoir (the powers-that-be).

Algeria’s foreign policy has often conflicted with that of the United States. Strains in ties with
neighboring Morocco continue, due to the unresolved status of the Western Sahara and a rivalry
for regional influence, although signs of a thaw emerged in 2011. Relations with former colonial
power France remain complex and volatile. The legacy of Algeria’s anti-colonial struggle
contributes to Algerian leaders’ desire to prevent direct foreign intervention, their residual
skepticism of French and NATO intentions, and Algeria’s positions on regional affairs, including
a non-interventionist stance toward the uprising in Syria and an ambivalent approach to external
military intervention in Mali.



OVERVIEW ON ALGERIA BY THE NUCLEAR THREAT INITIATIVE

Algeria does not possess nuclear, chemical, or biological weapons, and is not suspected of pursuing such capabilities. Additionally, the country does not deploy strategic delivery vehicles such as ballistic missiles. Algiers is a party to all relevant nonproliferation treaties and organizations, including the Treaty of Pelindaba (also known as the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zone Treaty). Between 1960 and 1966, France carried out seventeen nuclear weapons tests in the Algerian desert (4 atmospheric tests and 13 underground tests). The long-term health effects of these tests remain a point of contention between France and Algeria. [1] Recently, Algeria has taken modest steps toward the development of a civilian nuclear power program.
Nuclear
Algeria does not have nuclear weapons, and ratified the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) as a non-nuclear weapon state in 1995. Soon thereafter, Algeria was among the first countries to sign the Treaty of Pelindaba, which established the African continent as a nuclear-weapon-free zone. Algeria possesses a small civil nuclear research program, and currently operates two research reactors under the supervision of the Commissariat à l'énergie atomique (Atomic Energy Commission). Both reactors are under IAEA safeguards. Algeria also operates several small regional nuclear research centers. Algiers is currently looking into the feasibility of exploiting its indigenous uranium deposits, which are estimated to be around 26,000 tonnes and located in the Southern Sahara desert. [2]
The Argentinian company INVAP began constructing Algeria’s first research reactor—called Nur—in 1987, and it reached criticality in 1989. [3] The reactor is located in the Draria nuclear complex, about 20km east of Algiers. [4] The 1MWt pool-type light water reactor uses uranium fuel enriched up to 20% U-235, supplied by Argentina. Algeria uses this facility for the laboratory-scale production of radioisotopes, research in neutron physics, and the training of reactor-operating personnel. [5] The Draria complex also houses a pilot fuel fabrication plant. [6]
Following the signing of a nuclear cooperation agreement with China in 1983, construction of Algeria’s second research reactor began in 1988. [7] The 15MWt heavy water-moderated Es-Salam reactor, located at Ain Oussera 140 km south of Algiers in the Sahara desert, is fueled with 3% enriched LEU and first reached criticality in 1992. [8] As with the Nur reactor, Algeria uses this reactor for the production of radioisotopes, research in neutron physics, and the training of reactor-operating personnel. [9] The Ain Oussera site also houses various other nuclear-related facilities, including an isotope production plant, hot-cell laboratories, and waste-storage tanks. [10]
In the early 1990s, the secretive construction of the Es-Salam reactor spurred substantial concerns among U.S. intelligence analysts and policymakers about the site’s purpose and the possibility of an Algerian nuclear weapons program (Algeria did not ratify the NPT until 1995). Specifically, some analysts argued that the unusually large cooling towers at the site were too big for the reactor’s declared power output, and that a large unfinished building nearby might be a fuel reprocessing facility. [11] Also, the deployment of Russian-made SA-5 air defense batteries at the site cast doubt on its civilian purpose. [12] In April 1991, public scrutiny of Algeria’s nuclear activities increased substantially when an article in the Washington Times bluntly accused China of helping Algiers to obtain nuclear weapons. [13] In reaction, Algerian officials announced that the reactor was designed for civilian purposes such as the creation of medical radioisotopes. Additionally, officials indicated that the reactor’s design would not be suitable for plutonium production. [14] The IAEA first inspected the reactor in January 1992, and a facility-specific safeguards agreement was signed the following month. [15] Algeria concluded a full-scope safeguards agreement with the IAEA in 1995 after it had ratified the NPT.
Currently, Algeria seeks to develop its nuclear energy sector with the help of experienced foreign partners. The country signed nuclear cooperation agreements with Russia (January 2007); the United States (June 2007); France (June 2008); Argentina (November 2008); and South Africa (May 2010). [16] The Minister of Energy and Mining announced in November 2009 that the country plans to have its first nuclear power plant in operation by 2020.[17] In September 2009, the National Mining Patrimony Agency put uranium exploration leases in the southern Tamanrasset province out for tender. [18]
Biological
Algeria is not believed to possess a biological weapons program, and the country possesses a very limited dual-use biotechnology sector. Algeria joined the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) on 22 July 2001, and subsequently modified its domestic legislation to comply with BTWC rules. Guided by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540, the Algerian government is working to ensure its biological laboratories have adequate physical protection. [19]
Although Algeria does not have a biological warfare program, there has been unsubstantiated speculation by media outlets that Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb may have attempted to develop biological weapons on Algerian territory. Attributing the information to unidentified U.S. intelligence sources, several newspapers reported in January 2009 that approximately 40 Al-Qaeda operatives had died at a base in the mountains of Tizi Ouzou province in eastern Algeria after experimenting with the plague-causing bacterium Yersinia pestis. [20] No further information is available to confirm or refute these allegations in the open source literature.
Chemical
Algeria is not believed to possess a chemical weapons program. Algeria ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) on 8 August 1995, and is an active Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) member. In June 2007, Algeria hosted a workshop on the CWC to encourage African countries to join the treaty. [21]
Missile
Algeria is not known to possess either ballistic or cruise missiles, and there is no evidence to suggest that the country is pursuing strategic weapon systems. [22] Algiers imports the majority of its modern weapons systems from Russia, with most such systems serving defensive rather than offensive purposes. In 2006 Moscow and Algiers signed a $7.5 billion arms contract for the delivery of a variety of weapons systems, including fighter jets, anti-tank missiles, and air defense systems. [23] One of the most sophisticated systems included in the deal was the S-300 air defense system. Russia reportedly delivered the first S-300 battery to Algeria in 2008. [24] In February 2011 Algeria reaffirmed its commitment to buy more S-300s. [25] Algeria is not a member of the Hague Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile Proliferation (HCOC).
Sources:
[1] Lamine Chikhi, "French Nuclear Test in Algeria Leave Toxic Legacy," Reuters, 4 March 2010.
[2] "Uranium in Africa," World Nuclear Association, www.world-nuclear.org.
[3] "NUR, General Information," IAEA Research Reactor Database, www.iaea.org.
[4] Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 107.
[5] "NUR, Utilization," IAEA Research Reactor Database, www.iaea.org.
[6] Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 107.
[7] "ES-Salam, General Information," IAEA Research Reactor Database, www.iaea.org.
[8] Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 107.
[9] "ES-Salam, Utilization," IAEA Research Reactor Database, www.iaea.org.
[10] Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 108.
[11] Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 109.
[12] Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 109.
[13] Bill Gertz, "China Helps Algeria Develop Nuclear Weapons," Washington Times, 11 April 1991.
[14] Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 110.
[15] Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 110.
[16] "U.S. and Algeria sign nuclear cooperation pact," NY Times, 10 June 2007, www.nytimes.com; "France signs Algeria nuclear deal," BBC News, 21 June 2008, www.bbc.co.uk; "Algeria, Argentina Sign Nuclear Deal," 17 November 2008, www.echoroukonline.com; "SA signs nuclear agreement with Algeria," TimesLIVE, 26 May 2010, www.timeslive.co.za.
[17] "Algeria Planning to Build Country's First Nuclear Power Plant by 2020," Le Soir d'Algerie, 17 November 2008, in Open Source Document GMP20081118280001.
[18] "Emerging Nuclear Energy Countries," World Nuclear Association, www.world-nuclear.org.
[19] "Step taken by members countries in response to UNSCR 1540", www.interpol.int.
[20] Eli Lake, "Al Qaeda Bungles Arms Experiment," The Washington Times, 19 January 2009, www.washingtontimes.com; "Al-Qaeda Cell Killed by the Black Death may have been Developing Biological Weapons when it was Infected, it has been Reported," The Telegraph, 20 January 2009, www. Telegraph.co.uk.
[21] "OPCW Director-General Opens CWC Workshop in Algeria," Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, 26 June 2007, www.opcw.org.
[22] In 1975, Algeria received some unguided Frog-7 battlefield rockets from the Soviet Union. However, with a maximum range of 70 km the Frog-7 can hardly be classified as a ballistic missile.
[23] "Algeria in Russian Weapons Deal," BBC News, 11 March 2006, www.bbc.com.
[24] "Algeria Receives First S-300 Air Defence System from Russia," Jane’s Defence Weekly, 14 October 2010, www.janes.com
[25] "Russia: S-300 Shipment to Algeria to Proceed," Stratfor, 22 February 2011, www.stratfor.com