tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-34488194767055057502024-02-20T02:24:44.113-08:00Contemporary AlgeriaDjamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.comBlogger175125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-45530113825123319992013-05-29T20:32:00.000-07:002013-05-29T20:32:13.116-07:00Algerian-American Relations Reconsidered, 1783-1816<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">By Maameri
Fatiha</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Revue Sciences
Humaines n°29, Juin 2008, pp.39-50</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Université
Mentouri, Constantine, Algérie, 2008.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Abstract</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">This article accounts for and
analyzes relations between Algeria and the United States of America during one of the
lesser-known periods in the modern history of Algeria, i.e.: the period 1783-1816.
It is an attempt at understanding the nature of <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"></span>those early contacts and their repercussion on
present times. For the purpose, the first part of
the article gives an historical overview about the general conditions that prevailed at
the end of the 18<sup>th</sup> and early 19<sup>th</sup> centuries and subdivides the period into two
phases. The first phase was dominated by peaceful negotiations that aimed at
concluding a treaty of peace and obtaining the release of American prisoners at Algiers.
The second, however, features a naval encounter between the flagship of the Algerian
navy and the American Mediterranean squadron, which ended by forcing a second
treaty more advantageous to the United States on the Dey of Algiers. In its second
part, and from a different angle, this article looks at the so-called Barbary pirates’
episode as it was dealt with in American historical writings and attempts to reassess
those early relations as objectively as possible.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Introduction </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Relations between Algeria and the
United States of America may be subdivided to five major chronological periods:
The first period extends from the independence of the United States in 1783 to the
establishment of French colonial rule in Algeria in 1830. This period was
characterized by intensive diplomatic and naval</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">activities that resulted in numerous
naval attacks, European and American, on the Ottoman Regency of Algiers.
Eventually, those led to the conquest of Algeria. The
second period covers almost the full colonial era. Whatever small contacts survived, and they were commercial
for the most part, the United States dealt with them mainly within the global context of
French colonial rule. This may be explained by the geographical remoteness of the
United States and its isolationism under the Monroe Doctrine, 1823, which discouraged
any American involvement abroad. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A third phase in Algerian-American
contacts opened at the midst of the Second World War with the Allied forces’
landings on North African shores in the fall of 1942. It was a relatively short phase but
meaningful with its intense events. The region then fell strictly under American military
strategic considerations. This period is well distinguished by American
misunderstandings—if not total lack of interest—of the growing nationalist sentiment
in Algeria. Distorted images about the native population intensified during
that period also. So far, when compared to previous phases, WWII allied
landings remain the most investigated period by Algerian scholars i. Hence, various
new interpretations have contributed further and better understanding towards
those wartime relations. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">A Cold War approach overshadows the
fourth major chronological phase in Algerian-American relations. This
period extends from the end of WWII to the early 1990s, time at which the
Soviet Union disintegrated. This period brought about numerous vicissitudes in
bilateral relations. Thus, in their preoccupations with the Cold War and
attempts at containment, the Americans tended often to confuse nationalism
in Algeria with communism. That confusion, for the most part,
generated tensions between the two antagonists. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In addition, America’s rise to
globalism and world leadership was incompatible with the free-minded character of
Algerians; therefore, it contributed further uneasiness. The resulting attitudes
are reminiscent of those late eighteenth century clashes. Overall, however,
relations remained fairly flexible and balanced. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">One may also consider the
development a fifth phase in these relations starting from the early 1990s up to
these days. The rise of an Islamist movement in Algeria caused a
two-fold American approach toward the </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">country: first, and for American
security reasons and economic interests, the Americans
favored a policy of cooperation to combat ‘Islamist terrorism.’ii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">At the same time, and particularly
since the 9/11 attacks on the World Trade Center (2001), Americans revived
old-new attitudes that tend to assimilate the so-called ‘Algerine pirates’ to
‘Muslim terrorists’ and vice versa. An unconsidered amalgam between piracy,
terrorism, and Islam led to further distortions of Algeria’s image in
American writings. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<ol start="1" style="margin-top: 0in;" type="1">
<li class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algerian-American
Relations: A Historical Account </span></b></li>
</ol>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; margin-left: .25in; margin-right: 0in; margin-top: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Relations between Algeria and the United States go back as
far as the last quarter of the eighteenth century. Algeria then was an Ottoman
province that was striving to thwart Christian attacks on its shores. The
struggle resulted in naval clashes with European navies and privateers—called
also corsairs in the Mediterranean area—which, to some extent, affected
American trading interests in the Mediterranean.iii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Consequently, while seeking
lucrative markets, the emerging Republic of the United States negotiated a
treaty of peace with the Dey of Algiers and appointed consuls.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Those early contacts, however, were not
free from strains and antagonisms.The first treaty was signed in 1795;
but for different reasons, it failed to maintain peace between the two
countries. In 1815, the United States declared war on Algiers, a war that
apparently was a response to an Algerian declaration of war on the United States in 1812.
The war, however, was short-lived. Apart from a brief naval encounter between
an American squadron composed of 9 warships and the Algerian flagship
under the command of Rais Hamidou, no further hostilities occurred. The
Dey accepted the terms of a second treaty as soon as the American squadron
reached the port of Algiers. The situation as it presented itself in 1815 was the
culmination of four decades of diplomatic tensions and maritime troubles. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">•<b>The First Phase, 1783-1812</b></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Up to 1776, and as British subjects,
American colonials’ ships sailing in the Mediterranean Sea benefited
from the Anglo-Algerian Treaty of Peace and Commerce of 1682.iv The colonial
vessels then carried passports delivered by British admiralty courts which
permitted them free navigation in the Mediterranean. When the Americans
declared their independence in 1776, they paradoxically continued to fly the
Union Jack and thus continued to benefit from British protection even though
they did not carry proper passports. By 1778, American commissioners at
Paris attempted to include a clause in the Treaty of Amity and Commerce with
France that would give them the same privileges enjoyed under the British
treaties with Algiers. However, they could obtain no more than the promises of
the king of France to use his ‘good offices’with the Dey of Algiers.v</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Other attempts from the Continental
Congress for access to Mediterranean markets under the flag of other
European powers were <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3448819476705505750" name="4"></a>also thwarted. Moreover, upon achievement of
independence, the Anglo-American treaty of peace of 1783 discontinued all
privileges for American shipping, a fact which put American trade in the
Mediterranean area in a critical condition.vi</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">One of the reasons which may explain
such a conduct was that the European powers feared American commercial
competition; therefore, they declined giving any support to American trading interests in the area. American
contacts with the Ottoman regency of Algiers, one of the naval powers on the southern flank
of the Mediterranean, started after American independence. In 1785, Algerian
corsairs captured two American merchantmen that were sailing in the Western
Mediterranean.vii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Both vessels had no passports, a
condition for passage in the Mediterranean which was provided by treaties between Algiers
and the different European countries, which legitimated their seizure.viii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">According to the general maritime
practice of the time, their 21-men crews were imprisoned and subsequently
enslaved.ix</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Thus, started a period in the
history of Algerian-American relations that continues to stand up today as a
symbol of aggression and terrorism. x</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In 1786, negotiations for the
conclusion of a peace treaty between Algiers and the United States and redemption of American captives
failed partly because of financial problems of the Confederation Congress. In
1793, following a truce with Portugal negotiated by the British consul at
Algiers Charles Logie, Algerian corsairs captured further American ships and
took 115 prisoners.xi</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Starting from 1789, under a new
Constitution and a new government, Congress could levy taxes; therefore it
could raise the funds necessary for negotiating a peace treaty. Some time,
however, elapsed before a treaty was successfully negotiated with Algiers. By
the Treaty of Peace and Amity of 1795, the United States agreed to pay an
annual tribute in the form of naval stores; in return, it obtained large
trading and naval privileges and secured the release of prisoners.xii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Even though tribute and ransom were
an integral part of the laws and usage of nations at that period, today they
are largely condemned in American writings.xiii<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>However, considering the economic and naval advantages the Americans
obtained, one may consider that the terms of the treaty profited more to the
United States than to Algiers.xiv</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Overall, the treaty managed to keep
peace between Algiers and the USA until 1812.During the early decades of the American
republic, the differences with Algiers over prisoners and tribute were used as
arguments for correcting American constitutional deficiencies.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Thus, the federalists skillfully manipulated
the captures of 1786 and 1793 towards the adoption of a new constitution and
creation of a navy. Today, American historians argue ironically that,
indirectly, the ‘brutal’ policies of the Dey of Algiers culminated in the birth
of the American Constitution and accelerated the raise of the U.S. Navy. Thomas
A. Bailey, an authority in American diplomatic history, imputed
America’s dropping of the “toothless Articles of Confederation” in 1787 to the <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3448819476705505750" name="5"></a>ill-treatment of Americans by the ‘Barbary pirates’ and considered
that “the brutal Dey of Algiers was a founding Father of the Constitution.”xv</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Likewise, troubled relations with
Algiers, especially after the capture of more vessels in 1793, led to the
foundation of the American Navy.xvi</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">In January 1794, the American
Congress adopted a resolution authorizing the construction of “a naval force,
adequate to the protection of the commerce of the United States against the
Algerine Corsairs.”xvii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Later, Congress provided funds for
the building of six frigates; it was the beginning of the U.S. Navy.xviii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Hence, and indirectly too, the Dey
of Algiers might as well be considered a founding father of the American Navy.
It is true that the act of 1794, providing for the foundation of the Navy, sprung
from federalist and merchant class demands to take a naval action against the
Barbary Coast states to secure American interests in the Mediterranean but the
European wars and subsequent British and French restrictions on American
commerce in the Caribbean and elsewhere were of no less
importance. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">•The Second Phase, 1812-1816</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The second phase opened with the War
of 1812 between the United States and Britain. Partly because of instigations
from the British consul at Algiers and partly because of American failure to
respect the terms of the treaty, particularly the annual payments in naval
stores, the Dey ordered the American Consul General to leave Algiers in July
1812. The Dey also threatened to repudiate the treaty and declare war if the
United States would not respect its engagements under the treaty of 1795 within
the limit time specified by the treaty (2 months). The United States simply
ignored the ultimatum; two months later, Algerian corsairs captured another
American ship and took 11 prisoners, thus opening hostilities with the United
States. The Americans, now increasingly powerful, could not accept that a small
country would challenge them in the Mediterranean and considered action of
Algiers as deliberate aggression against the United States.xix</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The circumstances that prevailed at that
time made the declaration of war on the United States necessary: according to
diplomatic and naval practices, treaties were negotiated on the basis of
tribute and passports secured safe passage in the Mediterranean for all
belligerents. By declaring war, the Dey was no more than abiding by the laws
and practice of nations that prevailed then; perhaps also he hoped to press the
United States for payment of dues in arrears. That declaration of war was
vehemently recommended by prominent Jews, particularly the Bacries, who were
highly influential in the Deylik spheres.xx</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Moreover, Great British played a no
less important role in stirring troubles between Algiers and the USA. Already
on a war-foot with the United States, the British convinced the Dey to declare
war while assuring him of Britain’s support. Three years later, at the end of
the War of 1812 which <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3448819476705505750" name="6"></a>pitted the USA against Britain, the American
Congress declared war on Algiers. When the American squadrons showed up at the
port of Algiers in June 1815, the Dey summoned the British consul and blamed
him for pretending “that the Americans would be swept from the sea in six
months by [the British] navy” and allegedly added: “now they make war upon us
with some of your own vessels which they
have taken.”xxi</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Previously, Britain had guaranteed
Algiers protection in a letter from the Prince of Wales, countersigned by Lord Liverpool,
dated January 1812 and addressed to the Dey shortly before the irruption of the
War of 1812.xxii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Finally, Americans’ non-observance
of the terms of the treaty of 1795 caused the Dey to declare war. In terms of
payments in the form of naval material, the Americans failed to provide them in
due time and most often they did not respect the requirements of the treaty
relating to quantity and quality. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Accordingly, the direct cause that
led to the war declaration was an annual payment, brought by </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">USS Allegheny in July 1812, from
which powder and cables were missing. Considering it a personal humiliation,
the Dey ordered the American Consul Tobias Lear to leave the country.xxiii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Although the Dey was too sure about
the strength his own navy and too confident in British guaranties, he fell into
dangerous miscalculations that were going to cause the Regency a great deal of
losses. Nevertheless, and in all cases, he could not have predicted an American-British
war that would have caused the withdrawal of the British fleet from the
Mediterranean. Nor could he foresee the indecisive end of that war and the
return of the American fleet to the Mediterranean with instructions
to attack Algiers and conclude a new treaty more favorable to the United States.
Thus, in March 1815, The American Congress declared war on Algiers. Two
squadrons under the command of Stephen Decatur and William Bainbridge were
dispatched to Algiers with instructions for signing a peace treaty unconditionally.
Rais Hamidou and the Dey were caught unprepared for that war.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The first was killed while valiantly
fighting against a full squadron—his single vessel the flagship Mashouda resisted
during 4 hours a combined attack of 9 American vessels before a canon-ball hit him—and the second
signed a peace treaty at the mouth of canons.xxiv</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The treaty of 1815 guaranteed the
Americans an advantageous commerce with Algiers without the payment of tribute.xxv</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">2. Algerian-American Relations
Reconsidered</span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Standard American writings dealing
with this early episode in Algerian-American relations reflect, in most cases,
a one-sided and biased perspective. Interpretations usually approached
relations with Algiers from an American angle and did not bother investigating
the rationale of the other side; when not so, it was un-emphatically done. What
is common in American writings is the heavy reliance of
historians on American sources only. Those fall under three major categories:
Journals and letters from the Continental <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3448819476705505750" name="7"></a>Confederation
congresses in addition to the journals of Congress (House and Senate after
1789); American state papers relating to foreign relations of the USA; and
finally, letters, journals, and memoirs of those who were event-actors such as
statesmen (presidential papers for example), consuls and special agents, ex-prisoners,
and naval officers. The approach American historians have adopted tends to deal
with the different aspects of relations with Algiers from purely American
ideological, political, commercial, and naval angles. Though these are
essential to the understanding of the general circumstances and conditions that
shaped early Algerian-American relations, they are in</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">sufficient. In search of the
absolute truth, if such a truth could be revealed , one should consider investigating
all parties involved in the historical event including Turkish rulers of
Algiers, their system of government, beliefs,
motivations, and goals. Only then may one be able to pretend to an objective
study of those relations. Standard American literature utterly failed to
attribute anything decent to the Regency of Algiers and its navy.xxvi</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">While privateering was an acceptable
practice for Americans and Europeans, it was tagged ‘piracy’ when practiced by
Algiers. In sum, and for the sake of illustration, these are few of the terms often used for describing
Algerian corsairs: the ‘Algerines’ were ‘ruffians,’ ‘thieves,’ ‘predators,’
‘blood-thirsty cutthroats,’ ‘swarm of marauders,’ ‘barbarians,’ ‘cowards,’ ‘plunderers,’
and ‘promoters of white slavery.’ Just about the last view one may say that
slavery was practiced on even larger scale in the United States. At a time
Decatur bragged that he had released 10 Americans that were
enslaved at Algiers—that’s all he could find—the Americans were holding more
than 1,000,000 black Africans in perpetual slavery!xxvii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algiers, however, far from being
just a ‘piratical state’ that made out of piracy “a profitable national
industry,”xxviii<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>was a country that was
evolving in a different culture. Its policies and institutions were shaped by a
different religion, different customs, and different circumstances that
happened not to be to the taste of the Americans. Like the Americans, however,
they were protective of their own interests.
Probably if Algerian sources going back to Ottoman rule, 1519-1830 could be
unveiled and investigated thoroughly, and to my modest knowledge no research
was done in this direction—at least in Anglo-American scholarly works, a different
approach might emerge. Can we then speak about a revisionist ‘trans-Mediterranean’
perspective in as much the same way as when we speak about the ‘trans-Atlantic’
approach in American history? The British historian H. G.
Barnby wrote about a “forgotten war” that took place between Algeria and the
United States.xxix</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Assuming that such a war occurred,
regardless of its true dimensions, a search in its origins, course, and consequences
may be achieved objectively through the adoption of a two-fold perspective: American and Algerian,
the latter being of major concern to this paper. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Historians have often interpreted
the seizure of American vessels as deliberate Algerian aggression against the
United States. Barnby, for example, argued that the Americans “had absolutely
no hostile thoughts or intentions against Algiers,” and therefore, the captures
could be considered “an aggressive act against the United States of America.”xxx</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algerian corsairing practice during
the period 1783-1816 may not be blatantly brandished as anti-American acts.
Algerians and Americans were not operating in a vacuum: British naval restrictions on the rebellious
thirteen colonies and ensuing antagonism toward the emerging Republic of the
United States, religious antagonism that shaped Muslim-Christian Mediterranean
relations, power rivalries, and finally America’s own political, financial, and
naval weaknesses are major reasons that lay at the origin of those early strained
relations. Richard B. Parker, </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">president of the American
Association for Diplomatic Studies and former Ambassador to Algeria, 1974-78,
saw in Algerian practice of corsairing an anti-American attitude that, he
nonetheless argued, could be reasonably defended. He discarded any Algerian
animosity against Americans. Rather, he attributed it to naval hostilities in
the Mediterranean that resulted from Spanish incursions in North Africa.xxxi</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Therefore, it may be more acceptable
to argue in favor of an Algerian reaction and accommodation with the then
prevailing international circumstances than anything else. Hence, one may
reasonably discard Anti-Americanism as a motive shaping those early contacts. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">On the Algerian side, a significant
role was played by the British consul in stirring up troubles for the
Americans. Commercial competition and subsequent military conflicts that pitted
Great Britain against its former colonies found an extension into the
Mediterranean. After American independence in 1783, the British
Consul at Algiers made it known to the Dey and his fleet commanders that they
were at liberty to seize all ships sailing out of the North American ports
unless those had the latest British passports.xxxii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Algerians, Dey and Rais alike,
believed that as soon as the Americans made peace with their “Father the King
of England,” the North American prisoners would be released. The role of the
British consul in stimulating actions of Algerian corsairs against the United
States was part of a wider British strategy that aimed at weakening the
emerging American Republic. A similar policy existed in Canada where the
British Governor General attempted to agitate the North American native tribes
against the Confederation government too. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Lacking the support of a strong
naval power, American trade in the Mediterranean was, moreover, affected by a
deeply-rooted religious antagonism between Muslims and Christians that can be
traced back to the Crusades. With the relative decline in Middle Ages crusading
ardor, that <a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3448819476705505750" name="9"></a>religious hostility evolved to a complicated pattern
of corsairing, ransom, and tribute that shaped diplomatic relations between
countries on both sides of the Mediterranean.xxxiii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">After the fall of Grenada in 1492
and the massive expulsion of Muslims from Spain in the early </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">sixteenth century, religious warfare
escalated and Muslim-Christian hostilities were carried to the sea.xxxiv</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The Spanish also took warfare to the
shores of North Africa and conquered many Algerian cities including Oran,
Algiers, and Bedjaia. The building of a strong navy was the answer of the Muslim
Turks who rushed to the rescue of their brethren Muslims of Algiers who asked for their assistance. Thus, for the
next three centuries to come, naval clashes between Algiers and the Christian
states went unabated, and corsairing in a sense was institutionalized and internationalized.xxxv</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">For that matter, if piracy it was,
Christian ‘pirates’ were, by no means, less important than the so-called
‘Algerine pirates’-the pirate entity of Malta, for example, was eloquently outstanding.xxxvi</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">By the end of the eighteenth century,
that naval practice was common on both flanks of the Mediterranean.
Furthermore, the major European powers manipulated it to their own advantages.
Great Britain, for example, did not hesitate to entertain itself with the idea
that the power of Algiers might be beneficial if used to check and weaken
American economic expansion in the Mediterranean. Lord Sheffield
plainly expressed that British view: “It is not probable the American States
will have a very free trade in the Mediterranean; it will not be in the
interest of the great maritime powers to protect them there from the Barbary
States.”xxxvii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">That exactly what Great Britain did:
by the Peace Treaty of 1783, the Americans were deprived of their British
shield in the Mediterranean and the different treaties with the Christian
powers did not guarantee protection for American trading interests in the
Mediterranean. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Accordingly, it happened that the
commercial activities of the newly independent Americans were caught in the
midst of a deeply rooted religious hatred that found expression in various
naval clashes between Algiers and the Christian states and which was
manipulated by the great powers to their own ends. In sum, the prevailing
religious animosity and power rivalry in the Mediterranean did not serve American
interests either. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">It would be perhaps more accurate
also to attribute those late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries events
to the American government itself. Its naval and financial weaknesses, added to
its geographical remoteness, did not permit it a quick and effective adaptation
to Mediterranean prevailing conditions. Financially, it was not until 1794 that
the American Congress could provide the necessary funds for
negotiating a peace treaty. Hence, the capture of American ships might more be
imputed to the reluctance of the American government to adhere to international
law and custom as they existed then and negotiation of peace treaties on the
basis of tribute than to any particular aggressiveness towards the United
States on the side of Algiers. Nonetheless,capture aroused a cry of indignation
among Americans who, proud as they were about their independence, considered it
national humiliation. In sum, one may conclude that Algiers’ practice of
corsairing during the period 1783-1816 may not be considered as hostile action
against the United States. Corsairing was a Mediterranean practice and by no
means could </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">it be seen as an Algerian
particularity. It resulted from complicated international political,
commercial, naval, as well as religious considerations and impregnated the
whole Mediterranean Basin for a period of over than 300 years.
Yet, the Americans mistakenly attribute it to Algerian corsairs solely and tag
it ‘piracy.’ Moreover, the 9/11 events led to further distortions whereby corsairs became synonymous of terrorists.xxxviii</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">When corsairing is taken out of its
historical context and looked at through the lenses of a 21st century terminology, no doubt
distortions and biases would ensue. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">REFERENCES </span></b></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">i-See for example the works of Dr.
Brahim Harouni, ‘The American Duplicity vis-à-vis the Colonial Problem of the
Maghreb during the Second World War,’ in Revue Sciences Humaines , n° 20, December 2003, pp. 49-57
and ‘The Use of Ultra for the Safe Passage of the Anglo-American Expeditionary
Forces to North Africa in 1942,’ in Revue Sciences Humaines, n° 26, December 2006, pp.121-127. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ii-Shultz, Richard H. And Andreas
Vogt. “It’s War! Fighting Post-11 September Global Terrorism through a Doctrine
of Preemption,” Terrorism and Political Violence, 15: 1 (Spring 2003), pp.
12-4; Randal K. James, “The Islamist Challenge in the Middle East and North
Africa,” Research Report, Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama, USA, April 1996, pp.
22-9. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">iii-Privateers are privately-owned
armed vessel whose owners were commissioned by belligerent nations to carry
naval warfare. Such naval commissions or authorizations are calledletters of marquee . “Privateer,” Microsoft
Encarta Premium 2005. (accessed 22 February 2008). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">iv-Lewis Hertslet, A Complete
Collection of the Treaties and Conventions, and Reciprocal Regulations, at
Present Subsisting Between Great Britain and Foreign Powers. Vol. I. (London:
Henry Butter Worth, 1827), pp. 65-66; for all treaties between Algiers and
Great Britain see pp. 58-88. The British benefited from numerous commercial
advantages including the monopoly of wheat purchase from certain tribes and
arms’ sales. The latter was strictly denied to their rivals the French. </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">For details see
Mahfoud Kaddache, L'Algérie durant la période Ottomane (Alger: Office des Publications
Universitaires, 1992), pp. 223. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">v-Article VIII of the treaty of 1778
stipulates: “The most Christian King will employ his good Offices and
Interposition with the Regency of Algiers in order to provide as fully and efficaciously
as possible for the Benefit, Conveniency and Safety of the said United
States....” Thomas B. Wait, ed., Secret Journals of the Acts and Proceedings of
Congress, vol. 2 (Boston, MA: Thomas B. Wait, 1820-21), pp. 63-4. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<a href="http://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=3448819476705505750" name="11"></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">vi-The commented provisions of the
treaty appear in Thomas G. Paterson, Major Problems in American Foreign Policy:
Documents and Essays, vol. 1: To 1914 (Lexington, Massachusetts: D.C. Heath and
Company, 1978), pp. 48-51. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">vii-James L. Cathcart, The Captives:
Eleven Years a Prisoner in Algiers, compiled by his Daughter, J. B. Newkirk (La
Porte, Indiana: Herald, 1899), p. 5. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">viii-See for example article VI of
the Anglo-Algerian treaty of 1682. Hertslet, Collection of Treaties and
Conventions, p. 59. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">ix-The full account of the story from
capture to release can be found in H. G. Barnby, The Prisoners of Algiers: An
Account of the Forgotten American-Algerian War, 1785-1797 (London: Oxford University Press,
1966). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">x-Richard Leiby, “Terrorists by another
Name: The Barbary Pirates,” Washington Post,15 October 2001, p. C01. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xi-Walter Lowrie and Mathew C.
Clarke, eds., American State Papers, Class I: Documents, Legislative and
Executive, of the Congress of the United States: Foreign Relations, 1789-1828 (Washington, D. C.: Gales and
Seaton, 1832-1861), 1:418, Captain O’Brien to the President of United States, November 5, 1793. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xii-Richard Peters, ed., Public
Statutes at Large of the United States of America,from the Organization of Government
in 1789 to March 3, 1845, vol. VIII: Treatiesbetween the United States of America
and Foreign Nations, 1778-1845(Boston: Little,Brown and Company, 1867), pp.
133-137. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xiii-American writings refer to
‘protection racket’ and ‘blackmail money’ rather than ‘tribute’ and ‘ransom.’
For this approach see for example Rand H. Fishbein, “Echoes from the Barbary
Coast: History of U.S. Military Actions against Pirates,” The National Interest,
65-66: 66 (Winter 2001/2002), pp. 47-51. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xiv-For further details see John B.
Wolfe, Algiers under the Turks, 1500-1830 (New York/London: W. W. Norton,
1979), pp. 309-13. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xv-Thomas A. Bailey, A Diplomatic
History of the American People, 10<sup>th</sup> ed. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1980), p. 65. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xvi-The treaty with Portugal
permitted Algerian corsairs to sail through Gibraltar to the Atlantic and to
seize another 11 American ships in the single Fall of 1793. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xvii-Journal of the House of
Representatives of the United States, Thursday, January 2, 1794. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xviii-Marshall Smelser, “The Passage
of the Naval Act of 1794,” Military Affairs</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, 22: 1 (Spring 1958), pp. 1-12. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xix-William Shaler, Sketches of
Algiers: Political, Historical, and Civil: Containing an Account of the
Geography, Population, Government, Revenues, Commerce, Agriculture, Arts, Civil
Institutions, Tribes, Manners,
Languages, and Recent Political History of that Country(Boston: Cummings, Hiliard and
Company, 1826), pp. 121-22. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xx-Ibid., p. 120. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxi-As cited in Ray W. Irwin, The
Diplomatic Relations of the United Stateswith the Barbary Powers, 1776-1816 (Chapel
Hill, N.C., 1931), p. 195. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxii-The document can be found in
Shaler, Sketches of Algiers, pp. 118-19. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxiii-For the circumstances
surrounding Lear’s departure see, Thomas B. Wait, ed.,State Papers and Publick Documents
of the United States, From the Accession of GeorgeWashington to the Presidency,
Exhibiting a Complete View of our Foreign Relations sincethat Time, 3rd edition (Boston, MA:
T. B. Wait, 1819), 9:126-136, Letter from Mr. Lear,Consul General at Algiers, to the
Secretary of State, July 29, 1812. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxiv-American State Papers, Naval
Affairs, 1:396, Naval Operation against the Barbary Powers in 1815: Stephen
Decatur to Secretary of the Navy, July 5, 1815. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxv-Public Statutes at Large, 8:224-227.
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxvi-Examples include: Ray W. Irwin,
The Diplomatic Relations of the United States with the Barbary Powers,
1776-1816 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1931); Frederick
Leiner, The End of Barbary Terror: America’s 1815 War against the Pirates of
North Africa(New York: Oxford University Press,
2006); and Glenn Tucker, Dawn Like Thunder:The Barbary Wars and the Birth of
the U.S. Navy (Indianapolis/New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1963). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxvii-For a sample see Ralph P.
Locke, “Cutthroats and Casbah Dancers, Muezzins and Timeless Sands: Musical Images
of the Middle East,” 19th-Century Music, 22: 1 (Summer 1998), pp. 20-53. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxviii-Bailey, Diplomatic History, p.
64. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxix-Barnby, The Prisoners of
Algiers.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxx-Ibid., p. 11. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxxi-Richard B. Parker,
‘Anti-American<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Attitudes in the Arab
World,’ The Annals, AAPSS</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">, 497, May 1988, pp. 46-7. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxxii-Cathcart, The Captives, p. 4. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxxiii-James A. Field, America and
the Mediterranean World, 1772-1882 (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University
Press, 1969), p. 29. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxxiv-Stephen Clissold, “The
Expulsion of the Moriscos, 1609–1614,” History Today, 28: 12 (1978), pp. 817–824. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxxv-The American approach to piracy
in the Mediterranean is a one-sided approach. It tends to make of piracy an
exclusively Algerian matter. Thus, Algiers was blamed for the ill-fated
American adventures in the Mediterranean. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxxvi-For a substantial study about
piracy on the other side of the Mediterraneansee, Mouley
Belhamissi, Les captifs algériens et l’Europe chrétienne, 1518-1830 (Alger: Entreprise Nationale du
Livre, 1988); see also Marisa Huber, “Holy Wars andPiratical Governments: Barbary
Corsairs (With a Comparative Look at MalteseCorsairs)”, 2004. (Accessed 18 May
2008). http://www.daviddfriedman.comAcademicCourse_Pages/legal_systems </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxxvii-As cited in Irwin, Diplomatic
Relations, pp. 24-25. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">xxxviii-Paul A. Silverstein, “The
New Barbarians: Piracy and Terrorism on the North African Frontier,” The New
Centennial Review , 5: 1 (Spring 2005), pp. 179-212. </span></div>
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Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-33038373749232952872013-04-14T19:26:00.004-07:002013-04-14T19:26:50.010-07:00The Algerian Question<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Posted on <a href="http://nesastrategist.wordpress.com/2013/01/18/the-algerian-question/" title="1:00 pm"><span style="color: blue;">January 18, 2013</span></a> by <a href="http://nesastrategist.wordpress.com/author/garneriann/" title="View all posts by Ian Garner"><span style="color: blue;">Ian Garner</span></a>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">National Defense University-Washington, D.C.</span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">French intervention in Mali has
proceeded apace as French troops begin a </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/01/16/us-mali-rebels-idUSBRE90D0FX20130116"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">ground assault</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> on
extremists in the North. However, at the same time that France is making a push
in Mali, Algeria is suffering from a terrorist attack targeting one of its gas
plants </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2013/01/18/world/africa/algeria-hostage-crisis/index.html"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">60 kilometers from the Libyan border</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">. Reports are mixed, but it is clear that the Algerian military has
launched a strike that has freed the majority of the hostages, although the
attempt also led to the death of many hostages as well. As it stands, militants
in Algeria claim that they are </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-21071378"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">still
holding 41 foreigners</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">.</span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">What is also clear is that Algeria
did not </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/18/world/africa/limits-of-algerian-cooperation-seen-in-rescue-effort.html?_r=0"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">collaborate with foreign governments</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> whose citizens were held hostage, including the United States.
Algeria did not inform potential partners of its plans nor did it </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/01/17/algeria-rescue-operation-_n_2499065.html"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">accept offers of assistance</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">. The question, then, is why did Algeria not accept any of these
offers or even at least inform is counterparts that an assault would be
attempted?</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">The answer to this question lies in
Algeria’s historical legacy. Algeria’s political identity was formed in the
fire of a violent revolution against France. The struggle against colonialism
has left an unwillingness to engage in multilateral interventions that was only
enhanced by the civil war of the 1990s. Additionally, the scars of the civil
war have left a mindset in the Algerian military that they must do whatever it
takes to put down militants and rebels, whatever the consequences. The 1990s
was truly a desperate time, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/1997/12/28/world/as-algerian-civil-war-drags-on-atrocities-grow.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">full of massacres and atrocities</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> committed both by the government and militants. During the 1990s
Algeria </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/algeria-the-slaughter-of-the-good-and-bad-at-the-in-amenas-gas-plant-was-utterly-predictable-8456474.html"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">learned from Hafez Al Assad</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> the way to put down rebellions. Hafez Al Assad would have been a
likely target to learn from, given that he had crushed a somewhat similar
uprising in Hama as the Algerians believed they were then currently facing. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/algeria-the-slaughter-of-the-good-and-bad-at-the-in-amenas-gas-plant-was-utterly-predictable-8456474.html"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">Some claim</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> that
Algeria has, more recently, lent their advice and lessons learned fighting
their civil war to Hafez’s son Bashar Al Assad as well as advising Ben Ali
before his ouster in Tunisia. Algeria also </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-12723554"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">voted
against</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> the imposition of a no-fly zone
during Libya’s revolution. This assistance to regimes in danger is indicative
of Algeria’s distaste for foreign intervention as well as its belief in the
sovereignty of a government to control what occurs within its borders. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Suffice it to say that it is clear
that Algeria is both uneasy with foreign intervention and has a belief that it
knows exactly how to deal with militants. In the eyes of the military, even if
it was brutal, Algeria did eventually crush the Islamic militants that
struggled against the state in the 1990s. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">In a </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://nesastrategist.wordpress.com/2013/01/11/mali-in-the-crucible/"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">previous post</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> I
argued that Algeria’s feeling of discomfit with interventions may have
unforeseen circumstances for the intervention in Mali. While Algeria has
granted France the </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="http://english.alarabiya.net/articles/2013/01/13/260292.html"><span style="color: purple; font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 11.0pt;">use of its airspace in order to allow French air raids</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;"> in Mali, the current hostage crisis demonstrates that Algerian
cooperation is unlikely to be comprehensive. It is critical that the French and
Algerians come to an understanding regarding strategic goals and tactical
methodology in Mali. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="color: black; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ascii-font-family: Calibri; mso-bidi-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-hansi-font-family: Calibri;">Algeria and Mali have a very long
border. The hostage crisis demonstrates that militants remaining in Algeria are
influenced by events in Mali. It also shows that Algeria will not defer to
outsiders when dealing with issues within its borders. Looking for a silver
lining here, perhaps the Sahel crisis is an opportunity to create a new
understanding between Algeria, its neighbors, and the wider international
community – including the United States. It will take some very difficult
diplomacy and a rethink of longstanding ideas, both on the part of Algerians
and the rest of the world, but perhaps some good may come from this tragedy.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Please note that the views expressed in this piece do not
represent the official policy or position of the National Defense University,
the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government.</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
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Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-38580225081183425502013-04-14T18:42:00.000-07:002013-04-14T18:42:12.805-07:00Strategic Posture Review: Algeria<!--[if !mso]>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">By <a href="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/authors/856/claire-spencer"><span style="color: blue;">Claire Spencer</span></a>, on 25 July 2012, </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Prior to the disruptions that have
swept the Middle East and North Africa since 2011, Algeria had achieved a
comfortable balance between its internal and external strategic priorities. Now
it faces the challenge of repositioning itself both within a region in flux and
in relation to its main international alliances with France, the U.S. and -- as
its main supplier of arms -- Russia.<br />
<br />
On the plus side, Algeria has weathered the storms of regional change well
since early 2011, even if this has come at the expense of looking increasingly
out of sync with the rapidity and depth of change going on around it. Algeria’s
immediate neighbors Tunisia and Libya now have new interim leaderships, and
Morocco has outpaced Algeria in its constitutional reforms and plans for
devolved government. Developments in Egypt, North Africa’s largest eastern
neighbor, also preoccupy Algeria’s leaders as potentially heading in the wrong
direction for their own strategic interests.<br />
<br />
Over recent months, the Algerian regime’s caution in 2011 appears to have been
vindicated, if unhappily so, by the fallout from the NATO-led Operation Unified
Protector in Libya. Abruptly ended at the end of October 2011, the NATO mission
rejected Libyan requests to stay longer to disarm rebels and control the flow
of arms, with the result that the subsequent leakage of heavy and light
weaponry and erstwhile African mercenaries from post-Gadhafi Libya has now had
a direct impact on the <a href="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/11730/malis-tuareg-rebellion-puts-region-at-risk" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">already fragile situation in Mali</span></a>,
to Algeria’s south. The length of Algeria’s border with Mali, more than 650
miles long, and the porosity of borders throughout the Sahel region add to
Algeria’s pre-existing concerns about the role of al-Qaida in the Islamic
Maghreb (AQIM) among the forces contesting control over northern Mali. Itself
originally an Algerian organization, AQIM has been building regional relations
over the past decade, including among communities in southern Algeria, and has
now spawned offshoots and alliances in the region of Mali that borders Algeria.<br />
<br />
Algeria’s leaders have contained the risk of an immediate resurgence of Arab
Spring-inspired domestic protests for now, but they are monitoring the
spillover effects on southern Algerian communities linked to the insurgent
forces in northern Mali. In the more densely populated north, Algeria’s
relative internal stability owes much to its own recent past. Despite sharing
many of the socio-political characteristics that triggered uprisings in
Tunisia, Egypt and Libya in early 2011, Algeria’s 1990s experience of violent
internal conflict verging on civil war has acted as an effective brake on the
rise of an Arab Spring-inspired nationwide protest movement. Algeria’s descent
into violence in the period 1992-2002, provoked in large part by the armed
jihadist predecessors of AQIM, claimed as many as 200,000 victims, and even
Algerian activists of the younger generation of are conscious of the impact the
conflict had on their immediate families and neighborhoods. <br />
<br />
Algeria nevertheless witnessed levels of public protest in early 2011
comparable to those initially seen in neighboring Tunisia from late-2010. The
immediate official response was to address the economic causes of popular
discontent by restoring subsidies on the basic foodstuffs that were the
ostensible triggers for the protests. The ability of Algerian opposition groups
to mobilize at the national level was subsequently curtailed by
well-established internal security measures combining local intelligence with
the deployment of well-trained security personnel on a scale that outnumbered
the first protesters. Unlike their counterparts elsewhere, the Algerian
security services also used limited force against protesters. Beyond arrests
and detentions, there were no notable casualties of the kind captured on film
and social media sites that provoked ever larger numbers of Tunisians and
Egyptians to take to the streets in January-February 2011.<br />
<br />
Into 2012, the Algerian authorities have maintained a tight control over
domestic unrest, even though local and regional protests over deficiencies in
social services, housing and youth employment, as well as sector-based strikes
over pay and working conditions, continue on a sporadic, if persistent, basis.
High levels of foreign reserves -- amounting to $182 billion at the end of 2011
-- already allocated to fund major public investment programs have also allowed
the Algerian government to speed up and complete a number of infrastructure and
public works projects. For instance, in the capital, Algiers, the recent
completion of long-overdue housing projects and the opening of a subway and
interlinked transport systems have alleviated a number of accumulating social
and economic pressures.<br />
<br />
On the downside, the Algerian regime has been alarmed by the democratic
developments in Tunisia and even more so by the fragmentation of state control
and the continuing turmoil in Libya. The ability of the Algerian leadership to
manage the fallout from both is considerably harder to engineer with the advent
of more and competing political forces in both countries. Allegations that
Algeria was covertly supporting former Libyan leader Moammar Gadhafi throughout
2011 have not proved well-founded, but the approach of Algeria’s leaders last
year could be characterized as that of preferring “the devil you know,” given
their familiarity with the “predictable unpredictability” of Gadhafi’s local
and regional politics for more than 40 years.<br />
<br />
Equally on the downside, a succession crisis looms in Algeria itself in coming
years, which risks acting as a catalyst for re-opening Algeria’s constrained
political debates and as an impetus for more radical change. Algeria continues
to be ruled by a highly centralized political system, in which all major
decisions are taken by a relatively limited cabal of senior military and
intelligence officials, collectively referred to in Algeria as “le pouvoir” (literally,
“the power” in French). Based on a presidential system with a subsidiary
national assembly -- and a multiparty system in place only since the 1990s --
the main competition for control of the Algerian state has arisen from attempts
by President Abdelaziz Bouteflika over the past decade to wrest some powers
away from the pervasive dominance of Algeria’s military and security
establishment. <br />
<br />
Although details of policy and its implementation have been increasingly
devolved to the presidency and civilian government, the limits to what
Bouteflika can achieve have now been reached. Decisions affecting the receipt
and deployment of Algeria’s extensive external revenues (97 percent of which
are derived from the export of hydrocarbons), the general direction and speed
of public expenditure, and defense and security policy remain firmly in
military and security hands. Arab Spring-inspired measures introduced since
2011 have included the suspension of the nearly 20-year-long state of
emergency, as well as constitutional and legal revisions allowing for more
parties, including Islamists, to stand in the general elections <a href="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/11950/with-eye-on-regional-security-u-s-looks-past-algerias-flawed-elections" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">held in May 2012</span></a>. However,
despite limited excitement over the prospect that new Islamist parties would
sweep the polls, the heavily stage-managed nature of these reforms has done
little to change the realities of state power in Algeria. Instead, the
electoral victory in May of the erstwhile lone party, the National Liberation
Front (FLN), indicates that radical political change is still far from being on
the agenda of Algeria’s political establishment. <br />
<br />Until now, Algerian policy has been governed by two main impulses or linked
objectives. The first, heavily influenced by the country’s 8-year-long
independence struggle in the 1950s and subsequent victory against French
colonial rule in 1962, has been to maintain the Algerian state’s independence
of action in the international sphere. The second, which reflects the regime’s
continuing postcolonial instincts, has been to defend Algerian sovereignty from
unwelcome external intrusions. <br />
<br />
This means that Algeria has not always been in step with its immediate region
or prepared to accommodate the pressures others may attempt to exert on it. In
the public sphere of official policy declarations, this often translates into a
strident and defensive tone, and without the significant backing of its hydrocarbon
revenues and the tight control exerted over its internal rentier economy,
Algeria’s uncompromising stances would prove more difficult to sustain. <br />
<br />
Foreign policy has nevertheless been the sphere in which Algeria has achieved
its most notable achievements. Few now, for example, continue to scrutinize who
was really responsible for the deaths of 200,000 Algerians in the 1990s, and
international investigations into Algeria’s human rights record rarely gain
traction at the United Nations or other international bodies. Compared to the
current intense international focus on the Syrian crisis, to take just one
example, this is no small achievement. The official Algerian narrative of
having fought its own war against terrorism, single-handedly and without international
assistance, throughout the 1990s has prevailed, despite very different
interpretations put forward in the Algerian press and elsewhere of official
complicity in the violence and manipulation of the “jihadist-terrorist”
phenomenon now represented by AQIM.<br />
<br />
Although less prevalent in recent years, Algeria also has a track record of
international activism, above all in defense of liberation movements and “Third
World” causes dating back to its leading role in the Non-Aligned Movement
during the Cold War in the late-1960s and 1970s. More recently, Algeria’s
fiercely defended independence came under threat in 1986, when a plunge in
global oil prices triggered a public debt crisis that forced the government to
submit to the unwelcome strictures of the International Monetary Fund until the
end of the decade -- an experience Algeria’s powerbrokers have vowed never to
repeat.<br />
<br />
Throughout the 1990s, during what became known as the “black decade” of civil
war, Algeria became more internationally isolated and inward-oriented. Only
with Bouteflika’s election in 1999 and his promotion of two amnesty
initiatives, of which the Charter for Peace and National Reconciliation was
approved by referendum in 2005, did stability gradually return to the country.
Having eschewed foreign attempts to broker peace in the 1990s, the Algerian
government, under Bouteflika’s influence, seized on the terrorist attacks of
September 2001 in the U.S. to reorient and re-energize Algerian foreign policy.
Claiming common ground with the U.S. in the emerging “global war on terror,”
Algeria re-entered the international scene from late-2001 as a regional
champion in the fight against terrorism. To this was added its accumulated
counterterrorist and intelligence expertise, which it judiciously offered to
share with the U.S. and its allies in the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq.<br />
<br />
<b><i>Next page: Algeria as U.S. regional security partner . . . </i></b><br />
<br />
This approach has astutely placed Algeria outside the purview of the kind of
intense democracy-promotion policies exercised elsewhere in the region by the
U.S. and the European Union, putting the country instead firmly in the camp of
both powers’ regional security allies. This success is all the more striking
given the differences Algeria has with the U.S. in particular over a whole
range of international issues, including the Western Sahara, Israel and the
Palestinians, Iran and now Syria. The resulting security relationship has not
only increased U.S.-Algerian bilateral trade almost five-fold over the past decade
-- from less than $3 billion in 2002 to more than $14 billion in 2010 -- but
also opened the way for Algeria’s acquisition of U.S. high-tech
counterterrorism equipment denied to it during the 1990s. In combating the
residual terrorist attacks within Algeria of the Salafist Group for Preaching
and Combat (GSPC) after 2002, Algeria was also well-placed to align its
counterterrorist stance more closely with international efforts against
al-Qaida and its affiliates, especially after the GSPC claimed and gained its
own affiliation with al-Qaida, renaming itself al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb
(AQIM) in 2006.<br />
<br />
With the spread of AQIM’s activities southward to the Sahel region, Algeria
became the partner of choice in Washington’s Pan-Sahel Initiative from 2004 onward
and for the Africa Command (Africom) mission established in 2007 to monitor the
interconnected rise of terrorism, organized crime and trafficking networks
across the region. Algeria’s special forces swiftly became a lynchpin of U.S.
efforts to train the armed forces of Mauritania, Mali, Niger and Chad to
intercept and combat the combined threats to regional stability. In 2010,
Algeria led the establishment of a combined military command center at
Tamanrasset in southern Algeria and an intelligence-sharing center based in
Algiers to coordinate trans-Sahel actions. By the end of 2011, Algeria had
committed 25,000 soldiers to a projected regional total of 75,000 troops to
engage in joint counterterrorist activities across the Sahel region. <br />
<br />
Algeria’s cooperation with the U.S., including the signing of a Mutual Legal
Assistance Treaty in the field of counterterrorism in 2010, has by no means
entailed surrendering its independence or its own agenda in the Sahel region.
U.S. officials were cited as recently as April 2011 as saying that Algeria does
not share all of its intelligence on AQIM with its American partners, even when
the latter are potentially targeted by threats. In practice, the Algerian
regime remains highly suspicious of French as well as American intentions south
of the Sahara, where competition over the region’s yet-to-be fully exploited
resources -- above all phosphates in Niger and Mali as well as potential
hydrocarbon reserves -- has also attracted the attention of the Chinese. <br />
<br />
In the wake of the Arab Spring, the Algerians are also concerned that one of
the main planks of the past decade’s strategic balance struck with the U.S. and
Europe has been weakened. In responding positively to the Islamist electoral
victories by the Ennahda movement in Tunisia and the Muslim Brotherhood in
Egypt, the U.S. and EU are perceived by Algiers as “going soft on Islam.” Like
Egypt prior to the Arab Spring, Algeria has opposed allowing anything more than
“house-trained” and co-opted Islamists a free rein in regional politics. For
this reason, and because of evident regime parallels, Algiers is keeping a
close eye on pressure exerted by Washington on Egypt’s military-led interim
government to cede more space to civilians in that country’s halting progress
toward democracy.<br />
<br />
In the sphere of bilateral relations, the vicissitudes of Algeria’s
relationship with France are perhaps the best barometer of how open Algeria is
to international cooperation and engagement. The uniquely fraught nature of
Franco-Algerian historical, cultural and linguistic ties nevertheless sets this
relationship apart from others. France still represents Algeria’s main trading
partner, above all for imported goods and manufactures, and around a million
Algerians live in France. However, recent attempts to address and move on from
the colonial relationship, which lasted from 1830 until Algerian independence
in 1962, have suffered a series of setbacks and recriminations, above all when
the French National Assembly passed legislation in 2005 asserting that some
aspects of France’s colonial legacy had been positive. <br />
<br />
Under former President Nicolas Sarkozy, both the tone and content of official
French policy toward Algeria was resented in Algeria, but the election of
François Hollande as French president in May 2012 appears to have offered new
opportunities to restructure the relationship. However, Algerian resentment
over France’s regional alliances and influence in North Africa and the Sahel
region remains, extending to France’s role in the drawn-out and inconclusive
United Nations-led attempts to resolve the Western Sahara conflict, which has
poisoned Algeria’s relations with its western neighbor Morocco since the 1970s.
<br />
<br />
Morocco has claimed the Western Sahara as an integral and historical part of
its sovereign territory since occupying the region in the aftermath of Spain’s
rapid withdrawal from its former colonial territory and an ambiguous ruling at
the International Court of Justice in 1975. Both the U.N. and the majority of
the African Union (AU), however, have backed the holding of a popular
referendum of the peoples of the region to decide its future status under a
process of self-determination. Algeria itself has hosted a refugee camp of
displaced Sahrawis, the Western Sahara’s local inhabitants, in southern Algeria
since the mid-1970s and has supported the exiled opposition Saharan Arab
Democratic Republic (SADR) and its armed wing, the Polisario Front.<br />
<br />
Though a 1991 cease-fire has successfully ended armed fighting over the future
of the Western Sahara, <a href="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/10947/western-sahara-forgotten-corner-of-the-arab-spring" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">the diplomatic stalemate persists</span></a>
over the electoral lists and content of the much-delayed referendum. Meanwhile,
allegations that AQIM had infiltrated the Polisario Front surfaced in 2010.
Algeria has resisted Moroccan suggestions that a bilateral agreement be reached
between the two governments as a preliminary, or even alternative, to holding
the referendum. The Algerian authorities cite not only a series of U.N.
Security Council resolutions since the 1970s, but also the deployment of a U.N.
monitoring and implementation mission, MINURSO, to the region as the main
reasons why Morocco’s de facto presence and control over the Saharan
territories can only be legitimized through the self-determination of the local
population. In this respect, Algeria retains the majority backing of the
African Union, from which Morocco has suspended its active membership since the
AU’s recognition of the SADR in 1984. But Algiers suspects that France, which
enjoys strong bilateral relations with Morocco, and to a lesser extent the U.S.
are seeking alternative “pro-Moroccan” ways to resolve the issue.<br />
<br />
For now, political tensions over the Western Sahara and the closed border
between Algeria and Morocco have been the main impediments to the realization
of long-standing plans to promote integration across the Maghreb region of
North Africa. Since its creation in 1987, the Arab Maghreb Union (UMA) --
comprised of Mauritania, Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya -- had failed to
convene anything other than regional security meetings at the heads of state or
Interior Ministry level. However, in the context of the crisis over Mali,
Algeria hosted the first meeting at the Foreign Ministry level on July 9, 2012.
Region-wide discussions on new initiatives to encourage greater transregional
trade have also been re-opened, as current intraregional trade stands at only
2-3 percent of each state’s total foreign exchanges.<br />
<br />
Unlike Tunisia and Morocco, which have diversified their economies under the
pressure of increasing costs of imports -- above all of energy -- and the need
to attract more foreign investment to create jobs and growth, Algeria’s reliance
on hydrocarbon exports for its main source of income has minimized the
importance of the transregional dimension to its own economic development.
Unlike its neighbors, too, it has also been able to contain EU attempts to
impose conditionality in trade relations under various EU-Mediterranean
initiatives, such as the Barcelona Process from 1995 and the European
Neighborhood Policy more recently. Consistently high oil and gas prices have
allowed Algeria to focus on retaining its main export markets across the
Mediterranean in southern Europe. Gas pipelines, above all the Medgaz gas
pipeline that came online in March 2011, already link Algeria’s Saharan gas
fields directly and indirectly -- via Morocco -- with Spain, and the completion
of a new pipeline in 2014 with Italy, via Tunisia, is pending. Algeria is also
now the United States’ second-largest supplier of oil in the wider Middle East
region, behind only Saudi Arabia.<br />
<br />
The government’s reversal of reforms adopted in 2005 designed to promote more
foreign direct investment in the hydrocarbon sector have nevertheless provoked
more setbacks than anticipated. The new hydrocarbon law adopted in 2006 now
limits the participation of international oil companies to 49 percent of joint
ventures with the national oil company Sonatrach. Together with the imposition
of higher windfall taxes on foreign earnings, the law has diminished the
international attractiveness of developing Algeria’s energy potential. Even
with the recent discovery of new gas deposits in the Algerian Saharan, Algeria
has found fewer international partners willing to invest further in developing
its hydrocarbon sector. It may yet find itself even further behind the curve in
energy production and market share as the impact of the discovery and exploitation
of shale gas deposits changes the global landscape of energy importers and
exporters in coming years.<br />
<br />
In this respect, Algeria’s relations with the wider Arab world, above all with
its fellow oil-producers in the Gulf region, have been dominated by securing
their shared interests through OPEC. However, at the political level, Algeria
perceives Saudi Arabia and the smaller Gulf monarchies to be too closely
aligned with the Moroccan monarchy to be fully trusted, especially following
the invitation <a href="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/8902/world-citizen-the-arab-kings-club-jumps-into-mideast-fray" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">extended by the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC) to Morocco and Jordan</span></a> to join its ranks in 2011.
Algeria is also not enamored of the new regional activism of Saudi Arabia and
Qatar in support of Islamist movements throughout the Middle East. Even if both
still seem to be on the side of limiting the regional spread of democracy,
Qatar broke ranks in 2011 to provide both financial and diplomatic assistance
in support of Ennahda’s electoral victory in Tunisia. For Algiers, Qatar’s
backing of “moderate” Islamism and Saudi Arabia’s official or unofficial
backing of its Salafist variants, above all in Egypt, pose exactly the kind of
destabilizing risk that Algeria has successfully clamped down on since the late
1990s.<br />
<br />
This has made Algeria wary of Saudi or GCC-led initiatives in the Arab League.
Algeria initially went along with the consensus struck in early 2011 to support
U.N. action to protect Libyan citizens against Gadhafi’s threats in March 2011.
However, when NATO assumed control of the U.N.-sanctioned no-fly zone under
Operation Unified Protector, Algeria was considerably less enthusiastic about
the actions of Western forces so close to its immediate borders. As the Libyan
conflict evolved over the summer of 2011, Algeria was even suspected, without
any clear evidence, of supporting the Gadhafi regime’s fight for survival. In
any event, by the late summer of 2011, the Algerian government accorded asylum
to Gadhafi’s wife, daughter and two sons, on the grounds that their request
could not be refused according to Muslim tradition. <br />
<br />
<b><i>Next page: A complex stance on Syria . . . </i></b><br />
<br />
The fallout from Libya has also colored Algeria’s approach to the Syrian
crisis, where, like its main military trading partner, Russia, Algiers is on
its guard against allowing U.N. Security Council resolutions to be used to
justify Western-led mission creep. Algeria is once again loosely onside with
Arab League positions on Syria and is a member of the league’s committee
charged with monitoring the issue. However, diplomatic consultations between
Moscow and Algiers to discuss developments increased in early 2012, and
Algiers’ “close relations” with the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad
are often cited by advocates of international intervention to suggest that
Algeria is unlikely to support anything more than the already failing Annan
Plan to resolve the crisis. Given the limits to the Algerian regime’s own
popular legitimacy and domestic accountability, it is not surprising that it
should converge with those who, like Russia and China, are opposed to an
international or regional drift toward regime change in Syria. Nevertheless,
the imperative of retaining its own freedom of maneuver and of deflecting any
potential parallels that might be drawn with authoritarian systems elsewhere in
the region means that Algeria has refused to be drawn, by Russia or anyone
else, into taking a more public stand on the future of Syria or, for that
matter, Yemen before it. <br />
<br />
Finally, Algeria’s wider global relations reflect almost entirely its pragmatic
needs, commercial imperatives and a residual link to anti-Western leaders, such
as Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, who was rumored to be responsible for
convincing the Algerian government to “renationalize” its hydrocarbon sector by
rescinding the 2005 hydrocarbon law. With China, Algeria has seen a
considerable expansion of commercial links, above all in according Chinese
companies, complete with their own imported workforce, contracts for the
extensive public works projects that have been accelerated over the past
decade. Around 50,000 Chinese workers have now taken up temporary residence in
Algeria, provoking occasional friction with the local Algerian community, but
also diversifying the somewhat closed social landscape of Algeria’s domestic
economy in ways that may have positive as well as negative impacts over the
longer term. <br />
<br />
<b>Defense Policy</b><br />
<br />
Most of Algeria’s foreign policy declarations give pride of place to security
as a necessary condition for the pursuit of other policy objectives, both at
the national and regional level. With the advent of greater tensions in the
Sahel, Algeria’s extensive defense capabilities, including a combined military
and domestic security forces amounting to 187,000 personnel, are being
increasingly called into play.<br />
<br />
For reasons partly associated with the rising instability on its southern
flank, Algeria has been increasing defense expenditure in recent years, with
the defense budget increased by 22 percent in July 2011, at the height of the
Libyan crisis, to an estimated $9.5 billion by year’s end. This is in addition
and complementary to an extensive upgrade of military equipment launched in
2006, when a $7.5 billion military modernization and training program was
concluded with Russia. This is believed to include 40 MiG-29 fighters, 20
Sukoi-30 fighters and 16 Yak-130 training planes, together with 8 S-300 PMU-2
Favorit rocket systems and up to 40 T-90 tanks. In 2008, 15 of the MiG planes
were returned to Russia on the grounds that they contained faulty components,
but despite reports that Algeria might exchange these for French Rafale
aircraft or seek more equipment sales from the U.S., the Russian deal has
remained on track. One reason for this was reported to have been the inclusion
in the original agreement of a debt write-off component of $4.7 billion owed by
Algeria to the Soviet Union. Another may be the laissez-faire approach that has
developed between senior Algerian military officers and their Russian
counterparts, which would be hard to replace by the more demanding end-use
requirements of French or U.S. military trainers.<br />
<br />
According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Algeria’s
defense expenditures in 2011 alone rose by 44 percent, making Algeria the
world’s seventh-largest importer of conventional weapons in the period
2007-2011. Much of this capacity has been used in the continuing
counterterrorist missions mounted against residual AQIM activity in the Kabyle
region to the east of Algiers. AQIM operations seemed to be briefly on the
increase following its adhesion to the global networks of al-Qaida, when
terrorists launched a series of successful bomb attacks against the government
building housing the prime minister’s office and the Interior Ministry in April
2007, and against the U.N. headquarters in Algiers in November 2007. The
importance of the Algerian wing of AQIM has nevertheless diminished since then
in favor of its Sahel-based offshoot, and the number of adherents, even at the
height of the 2007 attacks, has consistently been estimated to be fewer than
several hundred active members. In early July 2012, AQIM’s remaining
strongholds in Kabylia were reported to have been finally put out of action and
dispersed, but this is not the first time victory over AQIM has been claimed in
recent years.<br />
<br />
Restricted levels of reporting on defense and security matters in an otherwise
relatively free Algerian press have failed to quell persistent rumors and
inferences that the AQIM phenomenon is not all that it seems, but is rather
manipulated by the Algerian regime for its wider strategic aims, including in
the Sahel region. <br />
<br />
Despite having the capacity to do so, Algiers has been reluctant to deploy
directly into the Sahel region since the emergence of the Mali crisis in
January 2012, even under increasing pressure from France. <a href="http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/trend-lines/12190/global-insider-france-algeria-diverge-on-regional-security" target="_blank"><span style="color: blue;">The first visit to Algiers of newly
appointed French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius</span></a> on July 15-16 was
reported to have focused primarily on this eventuality. Algeria’s reticence is
partly associated with the complexity of the multifaceted and interrelated
nature of security threats across the region, of which the current crises in
Mali represent only the tip of a potentially much larger iceberg. It is also in
deference to the diplomatic process currently being led by the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS), of which Algeria is not a member,
but whose actions regarding Mali are being closely followed by the African
Union, which does include Algeria. The primary factor in Algeria’s
calculations, however, is to avoid ceding its own influence on its southern
flank to other actors, above all external actors such as the U.S. and France.
This includes not acting on behalf of or in conjunction with what are perceived
to be French “neocolonial” interests in the francophone states and societies of
the Sahel.<br />
<br />
Since early 2012, the Algerian government has deployed up to 7,000 border
guards on its border with Libya to monitor and intercept the traffic of arms
and fighters flowing into Mali, but insists that the interrelated conflicts
should be resolved through negotiations among the different parties. This
position is in contrast to a recent ECOWAS proposal that a combined West
African force be deployed to Mali, which has yet to gain U.N. Security Council
approval. Algeria is among those who, like the U.S. and Europe, express the
fear that lawlessness in the Sahel region will favor the spread of AQIM’s
influence and activities in the region, but the diplomatic complexities of the
Sahel also favor the ascendancy of a range of other equally alarming regional
trends. The interrelationships between state and nonstate actors across the
region make the resolution of the security dilemma particularly challenging:
All the conflicts are affected to a greater or lesser degree by criminal
networks engaged in the illegal trafficking of drugs, arms, goods and people
across the Sahara, and in the periodic kidnappings of foreigners for
multimillion-dollar ransoms undertaken by AQIM and affiliated local groups. <br />
<br />
As the recent fate of Mali has shown, the weakness of central state authorities
has meant that over time, local governments have become implicated in, or
compromised by, the large flows of funds that are now permeating the region
through illegal networks. The additional threat of drought this year,
threatening the lives of close to 18 million people from Mauritania to Chad
according to the U.N. in May 2012, has further complicated the risk of state
implosion.<br />
<br />
In the case of Mali, Algeria has long exercised influence in the country’s
northern region, acting as the external broker for the ill-fated 2006 Algiers
Accord that concluded the previous Tuareg rebellion against the central Malian
authorities in Bamako. Since Mali’s independence from France in 1960, neglect
on the part of the Bamako authorities has triggered a number of Tuareg
uprisings, but the concessions agreed to and then reneged on in 2006 are the
direct source of the latest breakdown in the authority of the Malian state over
its northern territories. In turn, the military coup d’état of March 2012
against Mali’s erstwhile President Amadou Toumani Touré and the subsequent
destabilization of Bamako itself is as much a symptom as a cause of the latest unrest.<br />
<br />
The main forces now competing for control of northern Mali include the
secular-nationalist Tuaregs of the hitherto little-known National Movement for
the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), which declared the independence of Azawad --
the Tuareg name for the region -- in January 2012; and the Islamist forces of
local rebel leader Iyad Ag Ghali’s Ansar Al-Din, which captured the city of
Timbuktu in June 2012. In the mix, however, are forces drawn from the wider
region, including AQIM, which has built an opportunistic alliance with Ansar
Al-Din based on apportioning a share of ransoms paid for foreign kidnapping
victims in which Ghali has played a mediating role. AQIM and Ansar Al-Din do
not, notably, share ideological platforms, with the Islamism espoused by Ansar
Al-Din being opposed to the jihadist violence and terrorism promoted by
al-Qaida. <br />
<br />
Of more recent genesis is the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa
(MUJAO), in control of the northern Malian city of Gao, which has been of
particular concern to Algeria. Reported to be led by a Mauritanian and drawn
from local rather than Algerian insurgents, this ideological offshoot of AQIM
has nevertheless singled out Algerian targets for attack with more consistency
than the controversial AQIM itself. In April 2012, vehicles loaded with
explosives were detonated in the Algerian gendarmerie headquarters at
Tamanrasset in southern Algeria, wounding 23, in an attack claimed by MUJAO.
The group was also responsible in early 2012 for the kidnapping of 7 Algerian
consular officials, who were subsequently released in July along with three
European aid workers also kidnapped by MUJAO in Algeria in October 2011. The
ability of MUJAO to operate in southern Algeria, as well as to successfully
penetrate the Saharan stronghold of the Algerian army’s 6th Battalion at
Tamanrasset, is a major new source of concern to Algeria’s security planners.<br />
<br />
<b>Conclusion</b><br />
<br />
Although still limited in scale and scope, Algeria’s main defense and security
preoccupations are likely to focus in the near future on its African
neighborhood, rather than events across the broader Middle East. However, as
the links between the new configurations of insurgents in Mali and the fallout
from the Libyan conflict have demonstrated, both are likely to continue to be
interrelated. In turn, the role, objectives and intentions of AQIM in this
increasingly diffuse set of conflicts now appear to be more closely aligned
with those of the criminal networks it operates alongside, as opposed to its
previous position as the main proponent of spreading al-Qaida-inspired jihadism
against Western, or indeed Algerian, interests in the region. In focusing on
kidnapping foreigners to fund arms purchases and buy local alliances, AQIM has
not posed a direct threat to Algeria’s security interests for some time.
However, as a key funder of other more targeted insurgent groups, which could
now include the newly emergent MUJAO alongside Ansar Al-Din, AQIM may be
opening a new chapter in Algeria’s strategic landscape. If so, military action
on its southern borders may become an unwelcome, if unavoidable option for
Algiers.<br />
<br />
More broadly, the past 18 months have brought rapid changes to the region,
putting pressure on many of Algeria’s long-standing approaches to defending and
advancing its interests. Regional security threats, no less than the wave of
democratization and post-Arab Spring Islamist electoral victories, are making
key external relationships, with France and U.S. in particular, less
predictable and more difficult to manage. Algeria is facing a period of
choices, and how it responds will determine its internal stability, its
regional role and its relations with its major foreign partners. <br />
<br />
<i>Dr. Claire Spencer is head of the Middle East and North Africa Program at
Chatham House (the Royal Institute of International Affairs) in London. She
previously established and led the Mediterranean Security Program at the Center
for Defense Studies, King’s College, University of London, and is currently
working on a Chatham House report addressing the structural changes emerging in
European-North African relations in the wake of the Arab Spring.</i></span></div>
Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-21558863163229049232013-04-14T18:08:00.002-07:002013-04-14T18:08:36.446-07:00Algeria-US relations by Africom<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The United States established
diplomatic relations with Algeria in 1962 following its independence from
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consult closely on key international and regional issues such as law
enforcement cooperation, both in the field of counterterrorism and in
countering more conventional transnational crimes. The two countries have
finalized language for a customs mutual assistance agreement and have signed a
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Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-1015705652485090372013-04-14T18:04:00.000-07:002013-04-14T18:04:25.497-07:00Algerian Navy Ship Soummam in New York<h1>
Algerian Ship Makes Historic Visit to United States</h1>
<h2>
Lieutenant Dan Day<br />U.S. Fleet Forces Command Public Affairs</h2>
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NEW YORK - The Algerian Navy ship (ANS) Soummam (937) sails past the
Statue of Liberty in New York Harbor, July 9, 2012, marking the first
time an Algerian Navy ship has visited the United States. During their
visit, the Algerian crew will tour the city and conduct office calls
with city and government officials. The Soummam transited the Atlantic
from Algeria as part of a training mission for Algerian naval academy
students. (U.S. Navy photo by Lieutenant Dan Day)
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<strong>
NEW YORK CITY, New York, July 12, 2012 —
</strong>
The Algerian Navy ship ANS Soummam (937) arrived in New York City for a
five-day port visit, marking the first time an Algerian Navy ship has
ever visited the United States, July 9, 2012.<br />
<br />Soummam transited the Atlantic Ocean as part of a training program for officer trainees from the Algerian Naval High School.<br />
<br />"I was very moved when I saw the ship in the port of New York," said
Abdallah Baali, Algerian Ambassador to the United States. "It is truly a
historic moment for us in New York and certainly for the crew and
officers of the ship who came to the prestigious city of New York."<br />
<br />The visit by Soummam displays the increasing cooperation between the
United States and Algerian navies. Earlier this year, Algeria hosted
the combined maritime operations center in Oran during Exercise Phoenix
Express.<br />
<br />"The great thing about a country's navy is that a naval ship can be
used for multiple purposes," said Captain Andy Lennon, the lead
coordinator for the visit assigned to U.S. 6th Fleet headquarters.<br />
<br />"It can be used in war and equally it can be used for diplomacy."<br />
<br />While the training mission is designed to instruct students on
navigating the world's oceans, the port visit is also part of their
training. According to Baali, a cultural and sports program was
developed to give the officer-trainees an opportunity to conduct
exchanges with the U.S. Navy in order to better acquaint themselves with
one of the world's largest navies and learn about its different
services.<br />
<br />The cultural program for the Algerian sailors included tours to
various sites throughout the city, such as the United Nations, the Bronx
Zoo and the 9/11 Memorial.<br />
<br />"We have all been very excited to visit New York," said Algerian
Captain Mamia Mouzaoi. "It is a great opportunity to visit America, and
the people have been very welcoming."<br />
<br />Showing their appreciation for the hospitality, Soummam also hosted a
reception aboard the ship, allowing for greater interaction between the
crew, U.S. Navy, and government officials.<br />
<br />"We are happy to have the Algerians here," said Terrence Holliday,
New York City's Mayor's Office of Veterans Affairs commissioner. "New
York is a great city with a warm heart and a lot to see, we appreciate
everything they bring here to make this city richer."<br />
<br />Throughout their visit, local U.S. Navy sailors from Navy Operation
Support Center New York City and Naval Weapons Station Earle New Jersey
have been readily available to show the Soummam crew around the city.<br />
<br />"We have U.S. Navy sailors travelling with them to all of the sites
throughout the visit," said Lennon. "It allows us more opportunities to
engage on a personal level, hopefully giving both nation's sailors a
richer experience."<br />
<br />
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Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-84961808994974432772013-04-14T17:51:00.000-07:002013-04-14T17:51:55.589-07:00Bibliography<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Chapter 2</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Chapter 3</span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Chapter 4</span></div>
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<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Addi, Lahouari.
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<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Projet de
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<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Redjala,
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Roberts, Hugh. "The Politics of
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<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Yefsah,
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Zartman, I. William. </span><span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">"L'élite
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">------. "The Military in the
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">------. "Political Succession
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(Various issues of the following
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Confidential [London]; Al-Aqida [Algiers]; Al-Chaab [Algiers]; Al-Mazza
[Algiers]; Al-Salaam [Algiers]; Al-Tadhkeer [Algiers]; Algérie Informations
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Algeria [London]: El-Badil [Algiers]; El-Khaban [Algiers]; El-Moudjahid
[Algiers]; El-Mounqidh [Algiers]; El- Watan [Algiers]; Es-Sahafa [Algiers];
Horizons [Algiers]; International Herald Tribune [Paris]; International Journal
of Middle East Studies; L'Express [Paris]; Le Figaro [Paris]; Le Monde [Paris];
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Association Bulletin; Middle East Journal; New York Times; Révolution Africaine
[Algiers]; Washington Post; and World Press Review.)</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Chapter 5</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Air Forces of the World. (Ed., D.H.
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Amnesty International. Amnesty
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">------. Amnesty International
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<span lang="FR" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-ansi-language: FR; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">de la Gorce,
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">DMS Market Intelligence Reports:
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Duran, Khalid. "The Second
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dyer, Gwynne. "Algeria."
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<![endif]-->Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-25755958016646201962013-04-14T17:16:00.000-07:002013-04-14T17:16:29.224-07:00The Crisis in the Sahel: An End to Algeria’s Strategic Ambivalence?<h2 class="entry-title">
INTERVIEW – The Crisis in the Sahel: An End to Algeria’s Strategic Ambivalence?</h2>
<span class="author vcard">By <a class="url fn n" href="http://africacenter.org/author/africa-center-for-strategic-studies/" title="View all posts by Africa Center for Strategic Studies">Africa Center for Strategic Studies</a></span>
<div class="post-updated-date">
Updated: 02/04/2013</div>
<strong><a href="http://www.flickr.com/photos/africa_center/8435347942/in/set-72157632635275730"><img alt="Laurence Aida Ammour Uganda" class="alignleft size-full wp-image-22329" height="200" src="http://africacenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/02/Laurence_Aida_Ammour-Uganda1.jpg" title="Laurence Aida Ammour Uganda" width="300" /></a></strong>The
hostage crisis at the In Amenas gas facility in Algeria illustrates the
transnational nature of the security threats posed by militant Islamist
groups in the Sahel and underscores the importance of increased
regional security cooperation, according to Laurence Aida Ammour,
Research Fellow Associate at the Barcelona Center for International
Affairs (CIDOB) and at the Bordeaux Institute for Political Science. Ms.
Ammour, who served as facilitator and guest speaker at a recent <a href="http://africacenter.org/2013/01/regional-cooperation-crucial-against-transnational-threats-ugandan-u-s-officials-say-at-east-africa-workshop/">ACSS Workshop</a>
on Improving Regional Responses to Transnational and Irregular Threats
in Eastern Africa, is author of an Africa Security Brief titled, “<a href="http://africacenter.org/2012/02/regional-security-cooperation-in-the-maghreb-and-sahel/" target="_blank">Regional Security Cooperation in the Maghreb and Sahel: Algeria’s Pivotal Ambivalence</a>,”
published in February 2012 by the Africa Center for Strategic Studies
(ACSS). In a January 23, 2013, interview with ACSS, she commented on the
unfolding situation. Her comments reflect her own professional
opinions, not those of the Africa Center.<br />
Initially, members of the “Masked Brigade” or “Signers in Blood”—the
militant Islamist group that undertook the attack—claimed it launched
the January 2013 assault in retaliation for events in nearby Mali, where
French military force intervened to stem the southern advance of Al
Qaeda-linked militants. “The operation was in response to the blatant
interference by Algeria and the opening of its air space to French
aircraft to bomb northern Mali,” a spokesperson for the militant group
told Mauritania’s ANI news agency, according to <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/01/16/us-algeria-kidnap-idUSBRE90F0HB20130116">a January 16</a> report by Reuters.<br />
Others doubt the attack was a direct retaliation, insisting that the
sophistication of the assault suggests that it had been planned long in
advance.<strong> </strong>“That is a convenient excuse,” U.K. Foreign Secretary William Hague <a href="http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-21055659">told reporters</a>
on January 17. “But usually operations like [hostage seizure in
Algeria] take longer to plan than during the last week’s event in Mali.”<br />
“In this case it’s cold blooded murder of people going about their
business,” he said. “So there is no excuse whether it’s connected to
events in Libya, Mali or anywhere else.”<br />
For Moktar Belmoktar, the Algerian-born veteran Jihadist with
longstanding ties to Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) who formed
the Masked Brigade, the choice to attack a high-profile Algerian
facility was both strategic and symbolic Ms. Ammour, author of the ACSS
security brief, said in a recent interview. Demoted after a series of
clashes with senior AQIM leaders, Belkmoktar formed the Masked Brigade
in late 2012, she said.<br />
The attack on the In Amenas facility provided Belmoktar with an
opportunity to demonstrate his terrorist group’s capacity to orchestrate
a sophisticated, high-profile attack.<strong> </strong><br />
“For him, the attack is a way of showing to the other AQIM factions
that he has the capabilities to provoke a very spectacular operation,”
Ms. Ammoure said, “especially in a country that is supposed to be very
secure.”<br />
His Algerian roots may have been another motivation. “Algeria is a
very symbolic country for him because he is Algerian,” she added.<br />
For Algeria, the attack raises concerns about the efficacy of the
government’s approach to combating militant Islamic groups within its
territory. Many believe that Algeria has used the looming threat of
terrorism within its borders to bolster its legitimacy both domestically
and amongst the international community. The war on terror has also
helped the Algerian government justify hard-line security policies and
restrictions on civil liberties.<br />
“There are many people in Algeria who think that terrorism is a kind
of lever for the Algerian government to continue to keep its legitimacy
in the eyes of foreign partners,” said Ms. Ammour. “By keeping this low
intensity of terrorism, the Algerian government can continue to justify
very tough security policies toward its own people. When you are in an
emergency situation, forget about democracy, civil liberties, and
freedom of speech.”<br />
Although the threat of terrorism has loomed large in Algeria for more
than a decade, the scale of the attack in In Amenas and the target took
many by surprise. “During almost a decade of civil war and the fight
against the Islamists, all the gas and oil plants were very secure. They
were the most secure places in Algeria,” said Ms. Ammour. “I’m
surprised that this type of crucial strategic location was not secured
by the Algerian military forces.”<br />
But while the nature of the terrorist attack may have come as a
surprise, the response the Algerian military was predictable and
familiar. “The way the Algerian security forces were acting during the
assault was reminiscent of the civil war,” noted Ms. Ammour. “At that
time it was exactly the same doctrine: no negotiation and no talks with
the Islamists.”<br />
Given its size, comparative wealth, geostrategic location, and
military strength, Algeria could play a central role in the fight
against militant Islamic groups in the Maghreb and Sahel. However, Ms.
Ammour said that mutual distrust between Algeria and its neighbors, as
well as disagreements over the nature of the threat posed by militant
Islamist groups, have severely undermined regional security cooperation
in the Maghreb and Sahel.<br />
Sahelian states have often complained that Algeria’s approach to
insecurity in the region focuses too narrowly on the use of kinetic
military force. “With military capabilities superior to those of the
Sahelian states, Algeria considers its approach, born from the
experience of fighting extremists during its brutal 1990s civil war, to
take precedence,” Ms. Ammour wrote in the <em>Africa Security Brief</em>.
“The Sahelian states, however, oppose Algeria’s one-dimensional
military focus that neglects the economic, social, and political
considerations that Sahelian countries see as intertwined with stability
in the region,” she said in the report. “They reason that if the
Algerian army has been unable to eliminate terrorism on its own soil
over the past two decades using force alone, then why would such an
approach work regionally?”<strong></strong><br />
An inability to agree on a clear definition of the threat posed by
militant Islamist groups constitutes another major challenge. “Despite
its Algerian origins, Algerian authorities deny the existence of a
connection between Algeria’s domestic terrorist groups and AQIM. Rather,
they see AQIM as a new type of terrorist organization driven by its
extremist ideology,” Ms. Ammour wrote in her February 2012 Africa
Security Brief. “Sahelian states, in contrast, stress the criminal
nature of the group, with its heavy engagement in drug and arms
trafficking, as the most dangerous aspect of this regional threat.”<br />
It remains unclear whether or not the assault on the In Amenas gas
facility will prompt Algerian authorities to change their approach to
security cooperation in the Sahel, according to Ms. Ammour. “Now
everyone is asking, ‘what will Algeria do now?’”<br />
***<br />
<em>Laurence Aida Ammour’s opinions are based on her professional
academic experience and do not necessarily reflect the views of the
Africa Center for Strategic Studies. Instead, they are presented to
contribute to public discussion on security in the Sahel region.</em><br />
<em>For more information on Algeria’s role in Regional Security Cooperation in the Maghreb and Sahel see <a href="http://africacenter.org/2012/02/regional-security-cooperation-in-the-maghreb-and-sahel/" target="_blank">Africa Security Brief No. 18</a>.</em>Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-85892986331087494362013-04-14T17:08:00.001-07:002013-04-14T17:09:23.020-07:00CRS Report on Algeria<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 8.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">CRS Report for Congress</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 6.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Prepared for Members and Committees
of Congress </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algeria: Current Issues </span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Alexis Arieff </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Analyst in African Affairs </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 9.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">January 18, 2013 </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 6.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Congressional Research Service </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 6.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">7-5700 </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 6.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">www.crs.gov</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 6.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 5.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algeria: Current Issues </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 5.5pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Congressional Research Service </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Summary </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The hostage crisis that began when
terrorists seized a gas compound with foreign (including U.S.) </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">workers in southeastern Algeria on
January 16, 2013, highlights the challenges the United States </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">faces in advancing and protecting
its interests inan increasingly volatile region. It may also point </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">to the potential limits of the
U.S.-Algerian security relationship. The terrorist group that seized </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">the hostages is ostensibly a
breakaway faction of Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), a </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">regional network and U.S.-designated
Foreign Terrorist Organization with roots in Algeria’s </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">1990s civil conflict. AQIM’s
leadership appears to be primarily based in Algeria and across the </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">southern border in Mali, although
the group’s internal cohesion and ultimate aims have often </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">been debated. AQIM attacks have
ranged from bombings in Algeria to kidnappings (usually </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">small-scale and for ransom) across
the region. It is also involved in an insurgency in northern </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Mali that is the target of French
military operations launched on January 11, 2013. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">As a regional economic and military
power with past experience in combating armed extremists, </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algeria has attempted to lead a
regional approach to counterterrorism in North-West Africa. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">These efforts have had mixed
results, as have long-term U.S. capacity-building programs focused </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">on Algeria’s poorer West African
neighbors. At the same time, any U.S. unilateral action in </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">response to regional security
threats could present significant risks and opportunity costs. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">U.S.-Algerian ties have grown over
the past decade as the United States has increasingly come to </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">view Algeria as a key partner in
countering Al Qaeda-linked groups in North and West Africa. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algeria is also a significant source
of petroleum for the United States and of natural gas for </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Europe, and therefore a destination
for U.S. investment. Congress appropriates and oversees </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">small amounts of bilateral
development assistance and receives notification of arms sales, and </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algerian security forces benefit
from U.S. cooperation programs. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algeria’s political system is
dominated by a strong presidency and security apparatus. The </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">country’s macroeconomic situation is
stable due to high global oil and gas prices, which have </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">allowed Algeria to amass large
foreign reserves. Yet Algeria’s wealth has not necessarily trickled </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">down, and the pressures of
unemployment, high food prices, and housing shortages weigh on </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">many families. Public unrest over
political and economic grievances has at times been evident, </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">though other factors appear to have
dampened enthusiasm for dramatic political change. It is </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">unclear whether reforms initiated in
2011 amid the “Arab Spring” have the potential to alter the </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">deeper power dynamics within the
opaque politico-military elite networks that Algerians refer to as </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Le Pouvoir (the powers-that-be). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algeria’s foreign policy has often
conflicted with that of the United States. Strains in ties with </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">neighboring Morocco continue, due to
the unresolved status of the Western Sahara and a rivalry </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">for regional influence, although
signs of a thaw emerged in 2011. Relations with former colonial </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">power France remain complex and
volatile. The legacy of Algeria’s anti-colonial struggle </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">contributes to Algerian leaders’
desire to prevent direct foreign intervention, their residual </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">skepticism of French and NATO
intentions, and Algeria’s positions on regional affairs, including </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">a non-interventionist stance toward
the uprising in Syria and an ambivalent approach to external </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span style="font-family: "Arial","sans-serif"; font-size: 7.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">military intervention in Mali.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<br /></div>
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Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-31158285304928823782013-04-14T16:56:00.000-07:002013-04-14T16:56:26.465-07:00OVERVIEW ON ALGERIA BY THE NUCLEAR THREAT INITIATIVE<div class="lead">
Algeria does not possess nuclear, chemical, or
biological weapons, and is not suspected of pursuing such capabilities.
Additionally, the country does not deploy strategic delivery vehicles
such as ballistic missiles. Algiers is a party to all relevant
nonproliferation treaties and organizations, including the Treaty of
Pelindaba (also known as the African Nuclear-Weapon-Free-Zone Treaty).
Between 1960 and 1966, France carried out seventeen nuclear weapons
tests in the Algerian desert (4 atmospheric tests and 13 underground
tests). The long-term health effects of these tests remain a point of
contention between France and Algeria. [1] Recently, Algeria has taken
modest steps toward the development of a civilian nuclear power program.
</div>
<strong>Nuclear</strong><br />
Algeria does not have nuclear weapons, and ratified the <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/treaty-non-proliferation-nuclear-weapons/">Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT)</a> as a <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/non-nuclear-weapon-state-nnws/">non-nuclear weapon state</a> in 1995. Soon thereafter, Algeria was among the first countries to sign the <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/treaty-pelindaba/">Treaty of Pelindaba</a>, which established the African continent as a <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/nuclear-weapon-free-zone-nwfz/">nuclear-weapon-free zone</a>. Algeria possesses a small civil nuclear research program, and currently operates two <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/research-reactor/">research reactors</a> under the supervision of the <em>Commissariat à l'énergie atomique</em> (Atomic Energy Commission). Both reactors are under IAEA <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/safeguards/">safeguards</a>.
Algeria also operates several small regional nuclear research centers.
Algiers is currently looking into the feasibility of exploiting its
indigenous <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/uranium/">uranium </a>deposits, which are estimated to be around 26,000 tonnes and located in the Southern Sahara desert. [2]<br />
The Argentinian company INVAP began constructing Algeria’s first
research reactor—called Nur—in 1987, and it reached criticality in 1989.
[3] The reactor is located in the Draria nuclear complex, about 20km
east of Algiers. [4] The 1MWt pool-type <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/light-water-reactor/">light water reactor</a> uses uranium fuel <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/enriched-uranium/">enriched </a>up to 20% U-235, supplied by Argentina. Algeria uses this facility for the laboratory-scale production of <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/radioisotope/">radioisotopes</a>, research in <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/neutron/">neutron </a>physics, and the training of reactor-operating personnel. [5] The Draria complex also houses a pilot fuel fabrication plant. [6]<br />
Following the signing of a nuclear cooperation agreement with <a href="http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/china/">China </a>in
1983, construction of Algeria’s second research reactor began in 1988.
[7] The 15MWt heavy water-moderated Es-Salam reactor, located at Ain
Oussera 140 km south of Algiers in the Sahara desert, is fueled with 3%
enriched <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/low-enriched-uranium-leu/">LEU</a>
and first reached criticality in 1992. [8] As with the Nur reactor,
Algeria uses this reactor for the production of radioisotopes, research
in neutron physics, and the training of reactor-operating personnel. [9]
The Ain Oussera site also houses various other nuclear-related
facilities, including an isotope production plant, hot-cell
laboratories, and waste-storage tanks. [10]<br />
In the early 1990s, the secretive construction of the Es-Salam reactor spurred substantial concerns among <a href="http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/united-states/">U.S.</a> <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/intelligence/">intelligence</a> analysts and policymakers about the site’s purpose and the possibility of an Algerian nuclear weapons program (Algeria did not <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/ratification/">ratify </a>the NPT until 1995). Specifically, some analysts argued that the unusually large <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/coolant/">cooling </a>towers
at the site were too big for the reactor’s declared power output, and
that a large unfinished building nearby might be a fuel reprocessing
facility. [11] Also, the deployment of <a href="http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/russia/">Russian</a>-made SA-5 <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/air-defenses/">air defense </a>batteries
at the site cast doubt on its civilian purpose. [12] In April 1991,
public scrutiny of Algeria’s nuclear activities increased substantially
when an article in the <em>Washington Times</em> bluntly accused China
of helping Algiers to obtain nuclear weapons. [13] In reaction, Algerian
officials announced that the reactor was designed for civilian purposes
such as the creation of <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/radioisotope/">medical radioisotopes</a>. Additionally, officials indicated that the reactor’s design would not be suitable for <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/plutonium-pu/">plutonium </a>production. [14] The <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/international-atomic-energy-agency/">IAEA</a> first inspected the reactor in January 1992, and a facility-specific <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/safeguards/">safeguards </a>agreement
was signed the following month. [15] Algeria concluded a full-scope
safeguards agreement with the IAEA in 1995 after it had ratified the
NPT.<br />
Currently, Algeria seeks to develop its nuclear energy sector with the
help of experienced foreign partners. The country signed nuclear
cooperation agreements with Russia (January 2007); the <a href="http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/united-states/">United States</a> (June 2007); <a href="http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/france/">France </a>(June 2008); <a href="http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/argentina/">Argentina </a>(November 2008); and <a href="http://www.nti.org/country-profiles/south-africa/">South Africa</a> (May 2010). [16] The Minister of Energy and Mining announced in November 2009 that the country plans to have its first <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/nuclear-power-plant/">nuclear power plant</a>
in operation by 2020.[17] In September 2009, the National Mining
Patrimony Agency put uranium exploration leases in the southern
Tamanrasset province out for tender. [18]<br />
<strong>Biological</strong><br />
Algeria is not believed to possess a <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/biological-weapon-bw/">biological weapons</a> program, and the country possesses a very limited <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/dual-use-item/">dual-use</a> biotechnology sector. Algeria joined the <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/biological-and-toxin-weapons-convention/">Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC)</a> on 22 July 2001, and subsequently modified its domestic legislation to comply with BTWC rules. Guided by <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/resolution-1540/">United Nations Security Council Resolution 1540</a>, the Algerian government is working to ensure its biological laboratories have adequate physical protection. [19]<br />
Although Algeria does not have a biological warfare program, there has
been unsubstantiated speculation by media outlets that Al-Qaeda in the
Islamic Maghreb may have attempted to develop biological weapons on
Algerian territory. Attributing the information to unidentified U.S.
intelligence sources, several newspapers reported in January 2009 that
approximately 40 Al-Qaeda operatives had died at a base in the mountains
of Tizi Ouzou province in eastern Algeria after experimenting with the
plague-causing bacterium <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/plague/">Yersinia pestis</a>. [20] No further information is available to confirm or refute these allegations in the open source literature.<br />
<strong>Chemical</strong><br />
Algeria is not believed to possess a <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/chemical-weapon-cw/">chemical weapons</a> program. Algeria ratified the <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/chemical-weapons-convention/">Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC)</a> on 8 August 1995, and is an active <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/organization-prohibition-chemical-weapons/">Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)</a> member. In June 2007, Algeria hosted a workshop on the CWC to encourage African countries to join the treaty. [21]<br />
<strong>Missile</strong><br />
Algeria is not known to possess either <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/ballistic-missile/">ballistic </a>or <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/cruise-missile/">cruise </a>missiles,
and there is no evidence to suggest that the country is pursuing
strategic weapon systems. [22] Algiers imports the majority of its
modern weapons systems from Russia, with most such systems serving
defensive rather than offensive purposes. In 2006 Moscow and Algiers
signed a $7.5 billion arms contract for the delivery of a variety of
weapons systems, including fighter jets, anti-tank missiles, and <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/air-defenses/">air defense</a>
systems. [23] One of the most sophisticated systems included in the
deal was the S-300 air defense system. Russia reportedly delivered the
first S-300 battery to Algeria in 2008. [24] In February 2011 Algeria
reaffirmed its commitment to buy more S-300s. [25] Algeria is not a
member of the <a class="glossary-popup" href="http://www.nti.org/glossary/hcoc/">Hague Code of Conduct against Ballistic Missile Proliferation (HCOC)</a>.<br />
<strong>Sources</strong>:<br />
[1] Lamine Chikhi, "French Nuclear Test in Algeria Leave Toxic Legacy," Reuters, 4 March 2010.<br />
[2] "Uranium in Africa," World Nuclear Association, www.world-nuclear.org.<br />
[3] "NUR, General Information," IAEA Research Reactor Database, www.iaea.org.<br />
[4] <em>Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran</em>(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 107.<br />
[5] "NUR, Utilization," IAEA Research Reactor Database, www.iaea.org.<br />
[6] <em>Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran</em>(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 107.<br />
[7] "ES-Salam, General Information," IAEA Research Reactor Database, www.iaea.org.<br />
[8] <em>Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran</em>(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 107.<br />
[9] "ES-Salam, Utilization," IAEA Research Reactor Database, www.iaea.org.<br />
[10] <em>Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran</em>(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 108.<br />
[11] <em>Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran</em>(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 109.<br />
[12] <em>Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran</em>(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 109.<br />
[13] Bill Gertz, "China Helps Algeria Develop Nuclear Weapons," <em>Washington Times</em>, 11 April 1991.<br />
[14] <em>Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran</em>(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 110.<br />
[15] <em>Nuclear Programmes in the Middle East: In the Shadow of Iran</em>(London: The International Institute for Strategic Studies, 2008), p. 110.<br />
[16] "U.S. and Algeria sign nuclear cooperation pact," NY Times, 10
June 2007, www.nytimes.com; "France signs Algeria nuclear deal," BBC
News, 21 June 2008, www.bbc.co.uk; "Algeria, Argentina Sign Nuclear
Deal," 17 November 2008, www.echoroukonline.com; "SA signs nuclear
agreement with Algeria," TimesLIVE, 26 May 2010, www.timeslive.co.za.<br />
[17] "Algeria Planning to Build Country's First Nuclear Power Plant by
2020," Le Soir d'Algerie, 17 November 2008, in Open Source Document
GMP20081118280001.<br />
[18] "Emerging Nuclear Energy Countries," World Nuclear Association, www.world-nuclear.org.<br />
[19] "Step taken by members countries in response to UNSCR 1540", www.interpol.int.<br />
[20] Eli Lake, "Al Qaeda Bungles Arms Experiment," The Washington
Times, 19 January 2009, www.washingtontimes.com; "Al-Qaeda Cell Killed
by the Black Death may have been Developing Biological Weapons when it
was Infected, it has been Reported," The Telegraph, 20 January 2009,
www. Telegraph.co.uk.<br />
[21] "OPCW Director-General Opens CWC Workshop in Algeria,"
Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, 26 June 2007,
www.opcw.org.<br />
[22] In 1975, Algeria received some unguided Frog-7 battlefield rockets
from the Soviet Union. However, with a maximum range of 70 km the
Frog-7 can hardly be classified as a ballistic missile.<br />
[23] "Algeria in Russian Weapons Deal," BBC News, 11 March 2006, www.bbc.com.<br />
[24] "Algeria Receives First S-300 Air Defence System from Russia," <em>Jane’s Defence Weekly</em>, 14 October 2010, www.janes.com<br />
[25] "Russia: S-300 Shipment to Algeria to Proceed," Stratfor, 22 February 2011, www.stratfor.comDjamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-40484109420009359112012-11-12T17:10:00.001-08:002012-11-12T17:13:32.221-08:00IMF Mission visit to Algeria<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 24.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Statement by the IMF Mission on the 2012 Article IV
Consultations Mission with Algeria</span></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 10.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Press Release No. 12/427<br />
November 12, 2012</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">An International Monetary Fund (IMF)
mission, led by Mr. Zeine Zeidane, visited Algiers from October 29 to November
11, 2012 to hold annual Article IV discussions. The consultation will conclude
with the preparation of a report to be discussed by the IMF Executive Board in
early 2013.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The discussions focused on short-
and medium-term economic policies as well as the economic outlook in the
context of a global economic environment that remains difficult. The mission
held discussions with His Excellency, the Minister of Finance, Mr. Karim
Djoudi, His Excellency, the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development,
Mr. Rachid Benaissa, His Excellency, the Minister of Housing and
Town-planning, Mr. Abdelmadjid Tebboune, His Excellency, the Minister of Labor,
Employment, and Social Security, Mr. Tayeb Louh and His Excellency, the
Governor of the Bank of Algeria, Mr. Mohammed Laksaci. The mission also met
with representatives of the economic and financial sectors and civil society.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Performance in 2012 is expected to
remain solid. Growth is projected to reach 2.5 percent, supported by a
buoyant non-hydrocarbon sector bolstered by public spending. Growth is forecast
to reach 3.4 percent in 2013, underpinned by domestic demand and a
recovery in the hydrocarbon sector. The current account surplus is expected to
reach 8.2 percent of GDP, with higher hydrocarbon prices offsetting lower
export volumes. The current account surplus will be at 7.1 percent of GDP in
2013. In 2012 and 2013, foreign-exchange reserves will remain very comfortable
and external debt levels very low. The banking sector stayed solid in 2012. The
oil stabilization fund, net of public debt, reached 26 percent of GDP.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">However, inflation surged to 8.4
percent in 2012. Further, fiscal vulnerability has increased as a result of the
fiscal expansion of recent years. The fiscal balance is expected to deteriorate
to 3.7 percent of GDP, weighted by the full effect of wage increases and
back-payments. Vulnerability to hydrocarbon prices has consequently increased,
with the breakeven price reaching $121 per barrel in 2012. Although
unemployment was stable at 10 percent in 2011, youth and female
unemployment rates remains high, at 21.5 percent and 17 percent,
respectively.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">The main short and medium term
challenges facing Algeria will be controlling inflation, strengthening fiscal sustainability,
and boosting growth in the non-hydrocarbon sector. Monetary and fiscal policies
should be coordinated to fight inflation. The planned consolidation of current
spending in 2013 is welcome. The liquidity management policy introduced in 2012
should be pursued, and supported by an increased recourse to financial markets
by the Treasury to finance the public deficit. This policy could also be
further bolstered by raising interest rates with a view to bringing inflation
down to the 4-4.5 percent target.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Long-term fiscal sustainability is
dependent on hydrocarbon resources. The prudent fiscal policy envisaged for
2013 will restore fiscal space and should be pursued over the medium term
through the containment of current spending and the development of
non-hydrocarbon revenues. Similarly, the efforts launched by the authorities to
modernize public financial management, and supported by a medium-term budget
framework, should help strengthen the efficiency of public expenditure
management.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Algeria must step up its growth
rate, which remains below potential, in order to reduce unemployment. This can
be achieved by maintaining public investment and making it more efficient,
continuing a foreign exchange policy that fosters external competitiveness, and
undertaking structural reforms to promote private-sector-led growth and
increase total factor productivity. A strategy is therefore needed to improve
the business climate, alleviate the constraints on foreign investment, promote
greater international trade integration, and develop the financial sector.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><b>IMF External Relations Department </b></span></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Public Affairs</span></b></div>
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<b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Media Relations</span></b></div>
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Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-34089212236084622272012-11-10T21:03:00.001-08:002012-11-10T21:03:12.814-08:00US Secretary of State visited Algeria<span class="document_type_-_speaker_writer"></span><div id="templateFields">
<span class="multiple_speakers"><div id="grid">
<span class="official_s_name">Remarks Following the Meeting With President Abdelaziz Bouteflika </span></div>
<div id="grid">
<span class="official_s_name"> </span></div>
<div id="grid">
<span class="official_s_name">Hillary Rodham Clinton</span><br /><span class="official_s_title-">Secretary of State</span><span class="official_s_bureau"></span><span class="official_s_office"></span></div>
</span>
</div>
<div id="templateFields">
<span class="audience">El Mouradia Palace</span>
</div>
<div id="templateFields">
<span class="location-">Algiers, Algeria</span>
</div>
<div id="date_long">
October 29, 2012</div>
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<hr class="separator" />
<div id="centerblock">
<b>SECRETARY CLINTON:</b>
First, let me say how pleased I am to be back in Algeria and to have
this chance to consult in depth with the President and (inaudible). I
want to thank the President for his hospitality in the time that he has
spent talking with me and that we will continue over lunch. We reviewed
our strong bilateral relationship, including the fact we had an
excellent Strategic Dialogue on a number of issues just last week in
Washington.<br />
And we had an in-depth discussion of the region, particularly the
situation in Mali. I very much appreciated the President’s analysis,
based on his long experience, as to the many complicated factors that
have to be addressed to deal with the internal insecurity in Mali and
the terrorist and drug trafficking threat that is posed to the region
and beyond. And we have agreed to continue with in-depth expert
discussions, to work together bilaterally and with the region – along
with the United Nations, and the African Union, and ECOWAS – to
determine the most effective approaches that we should be taking.<br />
So again, I thank the President for his time and very helpful
observations, and I look forward to continuing our discussion on a
matter that is of particular interest to us both.<br />
Thank you very much.<br />
<br />
U.S. State Department <br />
<br />
<a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/10/29/us-algeria-usa-mali-idUSBRE89S0UC20121029">Reuters</a> quotes an anonymous US official:<br />
<blockquote>
“The secretary underscored … that it is very clear that a
political process and our counter-terrorism efforts in Mali need to
work in parallel,” the official said.<br />
“We have an awful lot at stake here, and an awful lot of common
interests, and there’s a strong recognition that Algeria has to be a
central part of the solution,” the senior U.S. official told reporters
traveling with Clinton.</blockquote>
</div>
Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-5756299841595180902012-11-10T20:50:00.001-08:002012-11-10T20:50:26.725-08:00Algeria's Role in the SahelBrussels, July 28, 2012. <br />
<br />
Carnegie Europe hosted an informal roundtable discussion with a
select group of experts engaged in issues of transitional liberalization
processes, political violence, and terrorism in the Sahel. Carnegie’s <a href="http://www.mcdaniel.edu/10729.htm">Anouar Boukhars</a>,
en route from Algeria, provided an on-the-ground perspective on the
crisis in northern Mali and Algeria’s central, but seemingly ambivalent,
role in that conflict. Carnegie Europe’s Lizza Bomassi moderated.
<br />
<strong>Event Highlights</strong><br />
<ul>
<li><strong>Political and Security Landscape of the Sahel:</strong>
Boukhars described the political and security situation in the northern
regions of Mali as complicated and the dynamics between the actors in
power as even more complex. He outlined five sources of conflict and
insecurity in Mali:<br />
<ol>
<li><strong>Social Friction</strong>: Gradual political decay
and the breakdown of state institutions, coupled with pervasive
corruption, and weak governance, were critical sources of popular
dissatisfaction. This general discontent created social tensions that
helped lead to a military mutiny that overthrew the government in March
2012.<br />
</li>
<li><strong>Historical Grievances</strong>: There is still no
serious settlement to the grievances of the historical Touareg Arab
insurgencies, which occurred from the 1960s to the 2000s.<br />
</li>
<li><strong>Terrorism</strong>: Cross-border criminal and
terrorist activity is tied to the history of the successive revolts in
the northern regions. Boukhars noted the growing regional role of
al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and organized crime. He suggested that
criminalization and radicalization in the region is chiefly motivated by
lack of economic opportunities.<br />
</li>
<li><strong>Libya</strong>: The dismantling of the Gaddafi regime in Libya led to less security along Libya’s borders.<br />
</li>
<li><strong>Algeria</strong>: Algeria is perceived as reluctant to take a leading role in regional security now that its
Libyan rival is currently unable to. Suspicion of a hidden Algerian
agenda complicates the coordination of an effective response to the
conflict, he added.<br />
</li>
</ol>
</li>
<li><strong>Security Challenges and Obstacles</strong>: Widespread
corruption has had a debilitating impact on Mali’s national security,
Boukhars explained. He stated that resources have been poorly
allocated—the Malian army was underfunded, undersized, underequipped,
and lacked the basic means necessary to keep order in northern Mali.
Furthermore, the military has become a vehicle to express popular
dissatisfaction with the political elites. To Boukhars, the major
challenge facing Mali is how to support the civilian government, despite
its faults and weaknesses, and to keep pressure on the junta leaders
and their political supporters while ensuring that the army does not
further fragment, weaken, or even radicalize.<br />
</li>
<li><strong>Algeria’s Role</strong>: An official in attendance
described an appropriate role for Algeria, given the current issue in
Mali, Algeria’s geopolitical status, and its available resources:<br />
<ol>
<li>The Malian people should have the chance to fight for their
peace and for the reestablishment of a Malian authority in the northern
Mali, but this is a national, not international, affair.<br />
</li>
<li>Algeria should respect the sovereignty of Mali by bringing the Malian people together to discuss matters amongst themselves.<br />
</li>
<li>Algeria should identify legitimate groups and offer them the opportunity to rule within the Malian framework of sovereignty.<br />
</li>
<li>Algeria should continue to financially support the region in
order to avoid the escalation of the current situation into a
humanitarian crisis.<br />
</li>
</ol>
</li>
<li><strong>A Local Solution and the International Community</strong>:
Boukhars argued that mandate of the Economic Community of West African
States (ECOWAS) does not necessarily warrant military offensive action
against the Malian military, or against armed groups in northern Mali.
It could, however, be a mandate to support rebuilding the command
structure and the protection of civil institutions. Boukhars insisted
that a local solution needs to be complemented by and coordinated with
efforts of the international community. Looking forward, Boukhars urged
that an ECOWAS, EU, or UN-mediated agreement must not fuel further
tension.<br />
</li>
</ul>
Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-10035159438048993232012-11-10T20:41:00.001-08:002012-11-10T20:41:51.431-08:00Algeria's Pivotal AmbivalenceRegional Security Cooperation in the Maghreb and Sahel: Algeria's Pivotal Ambivalence<br />
By Laurence Aida Ammour<br />
<br />
<br />
Efforts to counter al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb’s (AQIM) growing influence in both the Maghreb and the Sahel are fragmented because of the inability of neighbors to forge collaborative partnerships.<br /><br />Algeria faces inverse incentives to combat AQIM outside of Algiers as it gains much of its geostrategic leverage by maintaining overstated perceptions of a serious terrorism threat.<br /><br />The Algerian government’s limited legitimacy, primarily derived from its ability to deliver stability, constrains a more comprehensive regional strategy.<br />
<br />
<br />
in Africa Security Brief<br />
a publication of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies<br />
NO. 18/ February 2012Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-8596944211088642682012-11-10T20:31:00.000-08:002012-11-10T20:31:18.311-08:00A Legal and Policy Analysis of U.S.-Algerian Trade and InvestmentA presentation by the Law Firm of Omar T. Mohammedi, LLC available<br />
www.us-algeria.org/PRESENTATION otm law US Investment in Algeria.pdfDjamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-8493303185594564062012-11-10T20:15:00.000-08:002012-11-10T20:15:21.879-08:00Algeria: U.S. Energy Information Administration<table class="cabber"><tbody>
<tr valign="top"><td align="left"><span class="cssHeader1">Background: </span></td><td align="left"><span class="cssHeader1">Last updated March, 2012 </span></td>
</tr>
<tr valign="top">
<td class="cssTakeAway" width="125">Algeria's economy is heavily reliant on its hydrocarbons sector</td>
<td class="cssContent"><div>
Algeria is an important oil and natural
gas producer and a member of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC). Algeria's hydrocarbons sector accounted for 60
percent of its budget revenues, 36 percent of its GDP, and over 97
percent of its export earnings in 2010, according to the U.S. State
Department.
In 2010, Algeria was the fourth largest crude oil producer in
Africa after Nigeria, Angola, and Libya. As a member of OPEC, Algeria's
crude oil production can be constrained by the group's crude production
quotas, but Algeria also produces condensate and natural gas liquids,
which are exempt from OPEC quotas. <br />
Algeria was the eighth largest natural gas producer in the world in 2010 and the third largest gas supplier to Europe. <br />
</div>
<div>
<div align="center" style="page-break-inside: avoid;" title="Map of Algeria">
<br /></div>
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<div>
</div>
</td>
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<tr valign="top">
<td><br /></td>
<td align="left"><span class="cssHeader1">Oil</span></td>
</tr>
<tr valign="top">
<td class="cssTakeAway" width="125">Algeria is a member of the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) and the world's
thirteenth largest oil producer</td>
<td class="cssContent"><div>
According to the Oil and Gas Journal
(OGJ), Algeria held an estimated 12.2 billion barrels of proven oil
reserves as of January 2012, the third largest reserves in Africa
(behind Libya and Nigeria). Hassi Messaoud basin, located in the eastern
part of the country near the Libyan border, is the country's largest
oil basin and producing oilfield and contains up to 60 percent of
Algeria's proven oil reserves. The Berkine basin, together with the
Ourhoud fields, is the second largest in the country and has been the
source of a number of recent discoveries, which have allowed Algerian
oil production levels to rise significantly since 2003.
</div>
<div>
<div align="center" style="page-break-inside: avoid;" title="Chart depicting top proven oil reserve holders for 2009">
<br /></div>
</div>
<span class="cssSubheading1">Organization<br />
</span>
<div>
The Algerian national oil company is Entreprise Nationale
Sonatrach (Sonatrach), which plays a key role in all aspects of the oil
and natural gas sectors in Algeria. All foreign operators must work in
partnership with Sonatrach, which usually has majority ownership in
production-sharing agreements. </div>
<div>
Since the late 1990s, Algeria has encouraged the expansion of
foreign investment in the oil and gas sectors. Foreign oil operators
have steadily increased their participation in exploration and
production, which has led to reserve and production growth. The largest
foreign oil producer is Anadarko, with total production capacity of more
than 500,000 bbl/d from its operation at the combined Hassi Berkine
South and Ourhoud fields. Other large foreign investors include: BP,
Conoco-Phillips, Eni, Shell, Statoil, and Total.</div>
<div>
In November 2011, Sonatrach's fourth chief executive in two
years was appointed by the energy minister. Sonatrach continues to be
affected by the 2010 corruption investigation that resulted in the
dismissal of its chief executive and many of the company's senior
management team. </div>
<div>
In December 2011, the Algerian energy minister announced that
changes will be made to the country's Hydrocarbon Law to boost foreign
companies' interest in exploration investments. Attempts to attract
foreign energy companies to invest in exploration projects have
foundered over the past few years. Reportedly, the frequent delays
involved in Algerian projects, stringent financial terms, and a windfall
tax on foreign oil producers whenever the price of oil exceeds $30 per
barrel have dampened international companies' interest in bidding
rounds. In March 2011, Algeria awarded only 2 out of 10 oil and gas
permits on offer in its latest licensing round. The winning bidders were
Sonatrach and Spain's Cepsa. This was the third bid round in a row to
attract lackluster interest from foreign firms.
</div>
<span class="cssSubheading1">Production and Development</span><br />
<div>
Algeria produced an estimated average of 1.27 million barrels
per day (bbl/d) of crude oil in 2011, about the same as it produced in
2010. Together with 270,000 bbl/d of condensate and 340,000 bbl/d of
natural gas liquids, which are not included in its OPEC quota, Algeria
averaged 1.88 Mmbbl/d of total oil liquids production during 2011.
</div>
<div>
Algerian oilfields produce high quality light crude oil with
very low sulfur and mineral contents. The main areas for exploration
are in the east near the borders of Tunisia and Libya, and in the
central area, where large natural gas discoveries have been made.
Algeria is maintaining its oil production capacity by enhancing oil
recovery in older fields, increasing exploration, and developing new
oilfields to compensate for the decline in older fields. The
government's long-term target is to maintain crude oil production
capacity at about its current level.</div>
<div>
Sonatrach operates the largest oil field in Algeria, Hassi
Messaoud, which is reported to have produced around 350,000 bbl/d of
crude oil in 2010, about 28 percent of Algeria's total. The government
recently awarded new contracts to increase Hassi Messaoud production by
developing new areas of the field and by adding a new LPG plant. Hassi
Berkine, a joint venture between Sonatrach and Anadarko, reportedly
produced 300,000 bbl/d in 2010, and the Ourhoud field, a joint venture
between Sonatrach and Cepsa located in the Berkine basin, produced about
250,000 bbl/d. The El Merk field, located south of Hassi Messaoud in
the Sahara desert, is expected eventually to add 100,000 bbl/d of crude
oil, 30,000 bbl/d of condensate, and 30,000 bbl/d of net gas liquids to
Algeria's oil production after coming online in the fourth quarter of
2012. El Merk is a joint venture by Sonatrach, Anadarko, Eni, and
Burlington.
</div>
<div align="center">
<br /> </div>
<span class="cssSubheading1">Exports</span><br />
<div>
In 2011, Algeria's estimated crude oil exports were 750,000
bbl/d, of which the largest portion went to North America, mainly to the
United States. In 2010, Algeria's estimated total oil exports
(including all liquids) were 1.5 million bbl/d. According to EIA
estimates, the United States imported an average of 510,000 bbl/d from
Algeria in 2010, of which 328,000 bbl/d was crude oil. The United
States was the largest single importer of Algerian crude oil in both
years.
</div>
<div>
<div align="center" style="page-break-inside: avoid;">
</div>
</div>
<span class="cssSubheading1"></span><br />
<span class="cssSubheading1">Downstream</span><br />
<div>
In January 2012, Algeria had total crude oil refining
capacity of 450,000 bbl/d at four refineries, according to the Oil and
Gas Journal. Sonatrach aims to upgrade and expand its existing
refineries at Arzew, Algiers, and Skikda. The country is in need of
increased refining capacity as rising demand for gasoline and diesel has
resulted in rising imports of refined products. <br />
The Skikda refinery, at 300,000 bbl/d, produces about 67
percent of Algeria's refined products. It is being modernized and
expanded to more than double its current capacity by the end of 2012.
The expansion will include a liquefied natural gas (LNG) plant as well
as three liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) facilities.<br />
The 60,000-bbl/d Algiers refinery, which processes crude
from Hassi Messaoud, is being upgraded to produce an additional 20,000
bbl/d in 2014 and will provide gasoline and other products to European
specifications. <br />
The 60,000-bbl/d Arzew refinery produces products for both
domestic consumption and export. A contract was awarded in 2008 to
rehabilitate this refinery and increase its production by 30,000 bbl/d
by mid-2012. <br />
The 30,000-bbl/d Hassi Messaoud refinery supplies products to
southern Algeria. A Sonatrach project to build three additional LPG
trains was awarded to Saipem in 2010, but has been delayed.
<br />
</div>
<span class="cssSubheading1">Pipelines and Export Terminals</span><br />
<div>
Algeria uses seven coastal terminals to export crude oil,
refined products, LPG, and natural gas liquids (NGL). These facilities
are located at Arzew, Skikda, Algiers, Annaba, Oran, Bejaia, and La
Skhirra in Tunisia. Arzew handles about 40 percent of Algeria's total
hydrocarbon exports, including all of its NGL, LPG, and oil condensate
exports. Arzew and Skikda are also the shipping points for LNG.<br />
Algeria's domestic pipeline network facilitates the transfer
of oil from interior production fields to the export terminals.
Sonatrach operates over 2,400 miles of oil pipelines in the country. The
most important pipelines carry crude oil from the Hassi Messaoud field
to refineries and export terminals. Algeria's major crude oil export
pipelines are: the two parallel 500-mile Haoud el Hamra to Arzew
pipelines, the 415-mile Haoud el Hamra to Bejaia line, the 400-mile
Haoud el Hamra to Skikda pipeline, and the border-crossing 482-mile
pipeline from In Amenas to La Skhirra, Tunisia. Sonatrach also operates
oil condensate and LPG pipeline networks that link Hassi R'Mel and other
fields to Arzew.<br />
</div>
<div>
</div>
</td>
</tr>
<tr valign="top">
<td><br /></td>
<td align="left"><span class="cssHeader1">Natural Gas </span></td>
</tr>
<tr valign="top">
<td class="cssTakeAway" width="125">Algeria is the third largest exporter of natural gas to Europe</td>
<td class="cssContent"><div>
According to <em>The Oil and Gas Journal (OGJ)</em>,
as of January 2012, Algeria had 159 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) of
proven natural gas reserves, the tenth largest natural gas reserves in
the world and the second largest in Africa after Nigeria. Algeria's
largest natural gas field is Hassi R'Mel, discovered in 1956. Located
in the eastern part of the country, it holds proven reserves of about
85 Tcf, more than half of Algeria's total proven natural gas reserves.
The remainder of Algeria's natural gas reserves come from associated
(they occur alongside crude oil reserves) and non-associated fields in
the south and southeast regions of the country.
</div>
<div>
<div align="center">
<br /></div>
</div>
<div>
<span class="cssSubheading1">Production</span><br />
<div>
Algeria's gross natural gas production in 2010 was 6.8 Tcf
compared with 6.9 Tcf in 2009. Of this amount, 3.2 Tcf was reinjected
for enhanced oil recovery, 3.5 Tcf was marketed, while 0.2 Tcf was
vented/flared.<br />
Algeria is in the process of developing its Southwest Gas
Project, which includes the Repsol-led 102 billion cubic feet per year
(Bcf/y) Reggane Nord fields, the 56 Bcf/y Timimoun project led by
Total, and GDF Suez's 159 Bcf/y Touat project. Final approval of the
Reggane Nord project occurred in November 2011. The project includes
the construction of gas gathering facilities, a gas treatment plant,
and pipeline to Hassi R'Mel gas hub. Repsol holds a 29.25 percent stake
in partnership with Sonatrach, at 40 percent, RWE Dea, at 19.5
percent, and Edison, at 11.25 percent. The project is slated to come
online in mid-2016, 2 years later than originally estimated. Reggane
Nord will open up the wider development of Algeria's southwest gas
fields, including the Timimoun and Touat projects. The Timimoun project
is projected to come onstream in 2014, and the Touat project is also
expected to be given the green light soon, according to Algeria's state
news agency in February 2012.<br />
Another major project in the area, the Menzel Ledjmet East
(MLE) project led by Eni, is projected to start production of 116
Bcf/y in mid-2012, along with associated gas liquids and oil. The
projects in the southwest are co-dependent, as they will all rely on
the construction of a new gas pipeline linking them to Hassi R'Mel.
Following a recent decline in upstream licensing activity, the
development of gas from the southwest has taken on greater importance
for Algeria's capacity to meet contracted gas exports and increasing
domestic demand in the medium term.<br />
.<br />
</div>
</div>
<span class="cssSubheading1">Domestic Pipelines</span><br />
<div>
Algeria's more than 4,000-mile domestic natural gas pipeline
system centers on the Hassi R'Mel natural gas field, which is owned by
Sonatrach. The pipelines collect and distribute more than 10 Bcf/d. The
largest pipeline systems connect Hassi R'Mel to the export pipelines
to Europe and liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals along the
Mediterranean Sea. Since Hassi R'Mel is the hub of Algeria's entire
natural gas transport network, all of the country's natural
gas-producing regions are connected to it by pipelines.
</div>
<span class="cssSubheading1">Pipeline Exports</span><br />
<div>
According to Cedigaz estimates, Algeria's natural gas exports
totaled 1.97 Tcf in 2010, up from 1.86 Tcf in 2009. About 65 percent
of Algeria's total natural gas exports, or 1.29 Tcf, moved through the
natural gas pipelines connecting Algeria with Italy and Spain, while
35 percent, or 0.682 Tcf, was exported by tanker in the form of LNG.
Algeria was the third largest natural gas supplier to Europe after
Russia and Norway in 2010. <br />
After a number of delays, the $1.2 billion Medgaz undersea
pipeline came online in March, 2011. The 403 Bcf/y-capacity, 120-mile
Medgaz undersea line links Beni Saf, Algeria to Almeria, Spain.
Sonatrach owns 36 percent, Spain's Iberdrola and Cepsa each own 20
percent, and Endesa and Gaz de France hold 12 percent each.
Interconnecting pipelines from Spain to France, which would make France
and the rest of Europe potential outlets for Spain's surplus gas, are
in the planning stages, and could become operational in the 2013-2015
time frame.<br />
The 1,370-mile Trans-Mediterranean (Transmed, also called
Enrico Mattei) line runs from Hassi R'Mel, via Tunisia and Sicily, to
mainland Italy, with an extension running to Slovenia. It was completed
in 1983 and doubled in capacity in 1994 to 847 Bcf/y. A third line
was opened in February 2010, further expanding total apacity to 1,059
Bcf/y. <br />
The 1,000-mile, 424 Bcf/y capacity Maghreb-Europe Gas pipeline
(MEG, also called Pedro Duran Farell), was completed in 1996 for $2.3
billion. It connects Hassi R'Mel via Morocco with Cordoba, Spain,
where it ties into the Spanish and Portuguese natural gas transmission
networks. Natural gas from Algeria is provided to Spain, Portugal, and
Morocco. An international consortium, led by Spain's Enagas, Morocco's
SNPP, Portugal's Transgas and Sonatrach, operates this line. <br />
The Galsi natural gas pipeline, which would link Annaba on
the Algerian coast with Piombino in mainland Italy via Sardinia, is
still in the planning stages. It would be the deepest underwater
pipeline ever built, running 9,265 feet underwater at its deepest
point. The expected initial capacity is 282 Bcf/year and it has been
projected to come on stream in 2014. <br />
</div>
<span class="cssSubheading1">Liquefied Natural Gas</span><br />
<div>
In 2010, Algeria was the world's seventh largest exporter of
LNG, exporting about 7 percent of the world's total LNG exports.
Primary customers were France, Spain, Turkey, Italy, and the U.K.
Cedigaz estimates that a total of 682 Bcf of LNG was exported in 2010,
comprising 35 percent of the country's total natural gas exports.<br />
With the start-up of the LNG plant at Arzew in
1964, Algeria became the world's first producer of LNG. The Arzew plant
had three trains until February 2011, when the oldest was closed down,
being considered too dilapidated and dangerous to operate. This
deprived Algeria of around 53 Bcf/y of LNG. A new LNG plant with
capacity of 218 Bcf/y is under construction and due to open in 2013. Gas
supplies will be coming from the Gassi Touil fields. <br />
Algeria’s Skikda LNG plant, built in 1972, was partly
destroyed by an explosion in 2004. Three of the six trains were
repaired but the other three are being replaced by one new train with a
250 Bcf/y capacity, expected to come online in 2013. <br />
The National Shipping Company, a Sonatrach subsidiary,
operates 28 LNG, crude, and product tankers and has reportedly
commissioned a further 10 vessels for delivery by 2013.<br />
</div>
</td></tr>
</tbody></table>
Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-38009896090015334152012-11-10T19:36:00.005-08:002012-11-10T19:55:17.411-08:00Algeria: Current Issues Congressional Research Service<br />
<br />
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Summary: U.S.-Algerian ties have grown over the past decade as the United States has increasingly viewed Algeria as an important partner in the fight against international terrorism. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The Algerian economy is largely based on hydrocarbons, and the country is a significant source of petroleum for the United States and of natural gas for Europe. Congress appropriates and oversees small amounts of bilateral development assistance, and Algerian security forces benefit from U.S. security assistance and participation in bilateral and regional military cooperation programs. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Algeria’s political system is dominated by a strong presidency and security apparatus. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The military views itself as the heir to Algeria’s long struggle for independence from France, and has remained the most significant political force since independence in 1962.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Following Algeria’s bloody domestic counterinsurgency against Islamist groups in the 1990s, the military backed Abdelaziz Bouteflika for the presidency in 1999. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Bouteflika was reelected for a third term in April 2009, after the constitution was altered to remove term limits. He is widely rumored to be in poor health, and has no clear successor.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Algeria’s macroeconomic situation is stable due to high global oil and gas prices, </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
but the pressures of unemployment, high food prices, and housing shortages weigh on many families.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
These factors, along with longstanding political frustrations and the ripple effects of political</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
change and tumult across the region, have motivated recent demonstrations and labor unrest.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
At the same time, Algeria’s experience with civil conflict, the fragmented nature of civil society, and the “negative” examples of violence and uncertainty in countries such as Libya, Yemen,</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
and Syria, may dampen enthusiasm for dramatic political change. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The government has used the security forces to prevent and break up demonstrations, while also attempting to defuse public demands with limited political and economic concessions. Some hope that reforms initiated in April 2011 might strengthen the relatively weak legislature and judiciary. Yet it is unclear whether the reforms have the potential to alter the deeper balance of power within the opaque politico-military elite network that Algerians refer to as “Le Pouvoir” (the powers-that-be).</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
Domestic terrorism perpetrated by violent Islamists remains Algeria’s principal security</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
challenge. Algerian terrorists also operate across the southern border in the Sahel and </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
are linked to terrorism abroad. Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO), is an Algerian-led criminal-terrorist network with roots in the</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
1990s civil conflict.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
As the dominant economic and military power in the region, Algeria has attempted to take the lead in developing a regional approach to counterterrorism in the Sahel.</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
President Bouteflika’s tenure has produced an energized foreign policy. Strains in ties with</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
neighboring Morocco continue, due to the unresolved status of the Western Sahara and a rivalry</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
for regional power, although signs of a thaw have emerged in the past year. Relations with former</div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
colonial power France remain complex and volatile. </div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
<br /></div>
<div style="text-align: justify;">
The legacy of Algeria’s anti-colonial struggle contributes to Algerian leaders’ desire to prevent direct foreign counter-terrorism intervention, their residual skepticism of French intentions, and Algeria’s positions on regional affairs, including a non-interventionist stance toward uprisings in Libya and Syria.</div>
<br />
Alexis Arieff, January 18, 2012. <br />
<br />
See also CRS Report R41070, Al Qaeda and Affiliates: Historical Perspective, Global Presence,<br />
and Implications for U.S. Policy, coordinated by John Rollins; and CRS Report RS20962,<br />
Western Sahara, by Alexis Arieff.Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-59934833232946840182012-11-10T19:24:00.000-08:002012-11-10T19:24:35.779-08:00From Algiers began the road to the liberation of France, Europe, and the World<br />
<img alt="" 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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">70th
anniversary of the Allied landings in North Africa<br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
<br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dozens of
people, mostly from the diplomatic community accredited in Algiers, took part
yesterday in a ceremony jointly organized by the US and U K embassies at the
Military cemetery of Dély Ibrahim in Algiers.<br />
<br />
The ceremony was held in order to commemorate Operation Torch dated <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>November 8, 1942, during which more than
100,000 Allied troops landed in North Africa. The graves are so well aligned
and the protocol was well set. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>It was
indeed a military ceremony. The Algerian Republican Guard took part to this
ceremony.<br />
Most of the 527 soldiers who are buried in the cemetery of Dély Ibrahim are
mostly British, but there are also citizens of the Commonwealth (Australians,
Canadians, New Zealanders, Indians). Their names are Fletcher, Scott Hancock,
or Jarvis. They came from far to die on Algerian soil. Their graves tell a page
of our history. Several speeches <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>were
then delivered to the memory of the soldiers killed in the fighting against the
Nazi and Vichy regimes.<br />
U.S. Ambassador Henry S. Ensher has, from the outset, said that this
celebration is to cultivate the memory of one of the largest operations of
World War II. For his part, Ambassador of United Kingdom in Algeria, Martyn
Keith Roper, chose to recite a poem in honor of fallen soldiers. Then, flowers
were deposited on the monument erected on top of the cemetery. Various
delegations composed mainly of military attachés will succeed to stand <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>and make the military salvation.<br />
A delegation of the Algerian Army (ANP), consisting of four officers,attended
this ceremony. Invited to speak,retired General Medjahed Abdelaziz, former
director of the Military Academy of Cherchell, reiterated the strategic
importance of the landing in North Africa that allowed Allied forces to win the
war less than three years, while the Algerians will, themselves, be deprived of
their liberty for 20 more years.<br />
General Medjahed, who paid tribute to all freedom fighters, recalled the
sacrifice of 45 thousands of Algerians who lost their lives during the day of
"Liberation", May 8, 1945.<br />
The Algerians, he added, therefore know better than anyone the importance and
joy of living free. He also recalled that, in the wake of Operation Torch, the
Algerians were affected by heavy losses as a result of bombing by the Luftwaffe
in the East of Algeria.. General Medjahed also evoked the memory of U.S.
President Wilson, who had stated in 1918 the principle of self-determination while
people of Palestine and Western Sahara are still deprived of this right
enshrined in international law .<br />
A young Algerian academic, Abderrahamane Moussaoui, a native of the town of
Messelmoun (near Cherchell) <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>where was
held on October 23, 1942, a clandestine meeting between General Mark Clark and
members of the French resistance, insisted on the need to restore and preserve
this memory.<br />
He revealed that this charming site, loved by General Clark, has to this day a
monument with the inscription "Here begins the road to the liberation of
France, Europe and the world."<br />
</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> By:
Mohamed Sherif LACHICHI</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: .0001pt; margin-bottom: 0in;">
<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Liberte,
11 November 2012.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-61783785399749081542011-09-04T15:56:00.000-07:002011-09-04T16:10:40.119-07:00UNDP's Draft Country Programme document for Algeria (2012-2014)<div>Meeting of the Executive Board of the United Nations Development Programme, the United Nations Population Fund and the United Nations Office for Project Services</div><div>Second regular session 2011</div><div>New York, September 6, 2011</div><div>Agenda item: Country Programmes and related matters </div><div>Arab State: Algeria</div><div>
<br /></div><a href="http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=DP/DCP/DZA/2">http://www.un.org/ga/search/view_doc.asp?symbol=DP/DCP/DZA/2</a>Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-7021869171726423232011-09-04T15:28:00.000-07:002011-09-04T15:53:18.766-07:00The single most influential country at the UN was AlgeriaI was at the UN during the Third World's rise in importance, and they were quite unified in the beginning. Now, of course, they've got their own internal differences. But Iwas there during the period when they were at their maximum of unity, and the Algerians were running it (Non-Aligned Movement); Abdelaziz Bouteflika was their foreign minister. They ran it with a whip hand. They'd have these meetings, and if they had trouble, they'd just stay until after midnight, after some of the more comfortable nonaligned (delegates) had gone home. Then the Algerians would ram their measures through; they would tyrannize some of the milder Africans. I would say there was one year-and I don't think this is too much of an exaggeration- When in many ways the single most influential country at the UN was Algeria: more than ourselves, more than the Russians, more than the British, just because they had this vehicle at their beck and call, and used it. And they were absolutely unscrupulous (as to) parliamentary rulings- not hearing a "no," and that kind of thing.<div>
<br /></div><div>by W. Tapley BENNETT, Jr. : U.S. Deputy Permanent Representative on the Security Council, 1971-72; and U.S. Deputy Permanent Representative to the United Nations, 1973-76.</div><div>
<br /></div><div>in "Representing AMERICA: Experiences of U.S. Diplomats at the U.N.</div><div>by Linda M. FASULO, PP 172-173" </div>Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-80539783874169778522010-01-21T14:15:00.000-08:002010-01-21T14:17:02.954-08:00Emir Abdelkader<a onblur="try {parent.deselectBloggerImageGracefully();} catch(e) {}" href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitumfZydlh0mTs8Xw7RjC8w_p7vC2X8Oblk18rSS1QTjHnBAAiBvAxJyIp6PEEo6YSWNcwoCZn6Uh03_N3TU7aHaBtnjUzE5FmbqA6xaI4nUWPk9ndB4g11j70Tha-aNwh4ppUwKyBEXo/s1600-h/51VO1u-BWXL._SS500_.jpg"><img style="cursor: pointer; width: 400px; height: 400px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEitumfZydlh0mTs8Xw7RjC8w_p7vC2X8Oblk18rSS1QTjHnBAAiBvAxJyIp6PEEo6YSWNcwoCZn6Uh03_N3TU7aHaBtnjUzE5FmbqA6xaI4nUWPk9ndB4g11j70Tha-aNwh4ppUwKyBEXo/s400/51VO1u-BWXL._SS500_.jpg" alt="" id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5429320562254823698" border="0" /></a>Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-26795552205397296812010-01-21T14:05:00.000-08:002010-01-21T14:15:24.747-08:00Commander of the Faithful: The Life and Times of Emir Abd el-Kader (1808-1883) by John W. KiserPresident Lincoln, Queen Victoria, Pope Pius IX, Sir Richard Burton, and French prisoners sang his praises. A town in Iowa, United States, was named in his honor.<br />The man being honored was Emir Abd El-Kader, a learned and fervent Muslim who for 15 years had organized and led a jihad against a Western power, France.<br /><br />The Life and Times of Emir Abd el-Kader: A Story of True Jihad, published in 2008, is the story of the path to world-wide fame that turned a pious and precocious twenty-five year old Koranic scholar into a figure admired from Iowa to Moscow. It began with a bungled occupation of Algiers in 1830 by a French army of 30,000 soldiers. Arrogance, ignorance and broken promises spawned a resistance movement from which Abd El-Kader emerged as France's most tenacious opposition leader. His strength was rooted in his moral authority,keen intelligence, natural warrior characteristics, and the loyalty of his caliphs. His most lethal weapons were his diplomatic astuteness, desert hardened horses, and his Jewish intelligence network. Abd- El-Kader intervened to save thousands of Christian lives threatened by a Turkish<br />instigated pogrom in 1860. Following the dictates of Divine Law to protect minorities and to resist evil, the emir converted his ample residence into a<br />safe house for European diplomats and thousands of residents of the neighboring Christian quarter. As he neared death in 1883, The New York Times wrote that he “deserves to be ranked among the foremost of the few great men of the century.”<br /><br />“John Kiser has not just given us an absorbing and beautifully written story of a great hero, he has written an important book. The reader is bound to be moved by the life of this remarkable man who was the very opposite of a fanatical jihadist.”— Jane Geniesse, former New York Times reporter.<br /><br /><br />About the author:<br />John W. Kiser is the author of four books including The Monks of Tibhirine:<br />Faith, Love, and Terror in Algeria (St. Martins, 2002). He is a former<br />international technology broker with a B.A. in European History from<br />Columbia and an M.B.A. from the University of Chicago. His articles have<br />been published in Foreign Policy Magazine, the Washington Post as well as<br />the Harvard Business Review, Marine Corps Gazette and Cistercian Studies<br />Quarterly.Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-9526097270788605922010-01-10T07:52:00.000-08:002010-01-10T08:27:47.099-08:00U.S. Fleet fighting Rais HamidouOn 17 June 1815, off the Algerian coast, famed frigate USS "Constellation" drove the 44-gun frigate "Meshuda", the flagship of the Algerian fleet, under the guns of Commodore Decatur's flagship,"Guerriere". "Meshuda" surrendered. Among her fatalities was Rais Hamidou Algiers' ranking naval officer. The U.S. fleet included also the frigates USS "Macedonian","Epervier" and "Ontario".Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-10307544867779447882010-01-10T07:03:00.001-08:002010-01-10T07:05:25.226-08:00On the Way to Biskra by Frederick Bridgman<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEif7jWEm8_aYlMZ-ljskAxuCA8ISFkRbk0jJFO8bUFAXT51U8TeXeh9pRbakEGhN0jCnhA5AjZ3DpzHUsKI4YpaF_Vk183r689obDIG-HSwJfpwUKRgPgiWIzNgI0UBOP6qJzcl1nEtcOA/s1600-h/2229485093_464997a942.jpg"><img style="cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 400px; height: 216px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEif7jWEm8_aYlMZ-ljskAxuCA8ISFkRbk0jJFO8bUFAXT51U8TeXeh9pRbakEGhN0jCnhA5AjZ3DpzHUsKI4YpaF_Vk183r689obDIG-HSwJfpwUKRgPgiWIzNgI0UBOP6qJzcl1nEtcOA/s400/2229485093_464997a942.jpg" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5425127452989394450" /></a>Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-54067260886422180302010-01-10T07:01:00.000-08:002010-01-10T07:02:56.547-08:00Remembrance, Algiers<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkMOXxxizA0b6775ykQPgae4obnQr7XziHMUV-6VG1KB92jHRyJZpFmvx72vE3Bi_Mk1XUDzVPoXs4rz00W4gRpKZd36PXky8vEURnDnyFJ_1ynRJRQhTQGulaINy-qN9JAqsM9_oTvn8/s1600-h/remembrance,algiers_bridgman.jpg"><img style="cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 320px; height: 253px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEjkMOXxxizA0b6775ykQPgae4obnQr7XziHMUV-6VG1KB92jHRyJZpFmvx72vE3Bi_Mk1XUDzVPoXs4rz00W4gRpKZd36PXky8vEURnDnyFJ_1ynRJRQhTQGulaINy-qN9JAqsM9_oTvn8/s400/remembrance,algiers_bridgman.jpg" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5425126810897635234" /></a>Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3448819476705505750.post-85843294883450356532010-01-10T06:58:00.000-08:002010-01-10T07:01:13.882-08:00Indolence by Frederick Bridgman<a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizcMMchz508NlGrM8v6em8oaDBFeNR45a_4csjIY452CZAqJV2niNPiUgr9Q5bY3atjn6kIKpSig0Xhyphenhyphenh8JmtgRJaMNO_EEVY5Qmg0l1BUtq8uYadzpSohVya_T3IRWXwKcGQ6cZJYBsk/s1600-h/Bridgman_Frederick_Arthur_L-Indolence.jpg"><img style="cursor:pointer; cursor:hand;width: 400px; height: 348px;" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEizcMMchz508NlGrM8v6em8oaDBFeNR45a_4csjIY452CZAqJV2niNPiUgr9Q5bY3atjn6kIKpSig0Xhyphenhyphenh8JmtgRJaMNO_EEVY5Qmg0l1BUtq8uYadzpSohVya_T3IRWXwKcGQ6cZJYBsk/s400/Bridgman_Frederick_Arthur_L-Indolence.jpg" border="0" alt=""id="BLOGGER_PHOTO_ID_5425126365238511874" /></a>Djamel Moktefihttp://www.blogger.com/profile/00699679607814392031noreply@blogger.com0